Schlagwort: human rights

For years, Seán Binder’s life was turned upside down because he believed people’s pulses should be checked before their passports. In January, he was finally acquitted of charges relating to his humanitarian work helping migrants and refugees at sea. Here, he shares his story and his concerns over a new piece of EU legislation that threatens vital humanitarian work in future. 

My ordeal started at about 2am one morning in February 2018, when I was arrested by the Greek police. People were fleeing conflicts at home and coming to Europe seeking safety in unseaworthy boats and I was helping the Emergency Response Center International to conduct search and rescue activities.

I was detained without understanding what exactly was happening; we were provided neither a lawyer nor an interpreter. After two nights, we were released “pending further investigation.” We continued to do search and rescue. After all, we had done nothing wrong. In fact, we continued to cooperate with the very authorities that had arrested us.

Then, in August 2018, six months after our initial arrest, my colleague and I were detained again. This time, we were charged with serious crimes, including forgery, the illegal use of radio frequencies, espionage, money laundering, being members of a criminal organization, and facilitating illegal entry.

The severity of the charges meant that my colleagues and I were detained in pre-trial prison. By the time we were released, 106 days later, our case had become at high-profile example of the criminalization of humanitarianism in Europe. Human rights organizations described it as the “criminalization of saving lives.” At trial, the first prosecution witness described the case in precisely those terms.  That assessment proved decisive.

Finally, on 15 January this year, I was acquitted. The prosecutor at trial stated there was no evidence of criminality, and the panel of judges unanimously agreed that my 23 co-defendants and I were motivated by, and engaged in, legal humanitarianism.

Whilst I am delighted not to be returning to prison, it has taken far too long for this absurd prosecution to collapse. In the interim, the damage has already been done. EU states’ authorities have obstructed civilian rescue efforts, and over 32,000 lives have been lost at Europe’s borders since 2014.  

Meanwhile, dozens of humanitarians across Europe face similar prosecutions, obstruction, intimidation and harassment. Sadly, my case was not the exception but part of a wider pattern of states criminalizing humanitarian work.

My colleagues and I have spent years and vast resources proving what should never have been in doubt: saving lives is a legal obligation, not a crime. Humanitarian work should be encouraged and protected in countries that claim to respect human rights.

The current effort to reform EU anti-smuggling legislation, the so-called “Facilitators Package” offers an opportunity to address some of the issues that have led to our baseless prosecution.

However, the proposed revisions to the legislation might inadvertently increase the risk of criminalizing rescue workers – meaning future prosecutions will still be possible and may not end in acquittals like mine. They will also impact migrants, people of migrant origin and racialized people who all too often suffer from these policies.

As Amnesty International has highlighted, the proposal’s broad and vague provisions risk perpetuating the criminalization of refugees, migrants and human rights defenders. Any reform should clarify explicitly and in a binding manner that acts of humanitarian assistance or solidarity should be exempted from prosecution or punishment. Migrants who may have been smuggled themselves, or people assisting their family members should also be protected from criminal liability.

Through this reform, the EU has an opportunity to align with the EU Charter, UN Conventions and Smuggling Protocols, and treaties on maritime search and rescue, and to explicitly protect the right to life, the right to seek asylum, and the duty to render assistance.

As it stands, the proposal tries to expand the avenues to pursue humanitarian workers by introducing the crime of “public instigation” of irregular migration. This vague new provision could be misconstrued to harm refugees and migrants, advocates and activists protesting unjust migration laws or professionals providing legal information or assistance.

I have seen how people fleeing persecution and poverty may have no option but to board unseaworthy boats. How in the absence of safe routes those crowded aboard cling to the sides of dinghies. How in the dead of night, in choppy waters, even children are without life vests. Criminalizing humanitarians or a passenger who takes the helm of a dinghy abandoned by the smuggler does nothing to stop that.

Prosecutors should focus on exploitation and violence, including by authorities summarily force people across land or sea borders.

Last year, the European Court of Human Rights found “serious evidence” of systematic pushbacks in Greece. Evidence of similar practices has been mounting across European borders. Without border monitoring, this already opaque crime becomes ever more obscure.

Finally, trafficking, another cross-border crime, is arguably exacerbated by EU policy. A UN report published in 2018 found that asylum seekers in Libya face “unlawful killings, torture, arbitrary detention, gang rape, slavery, forced labour and extortion,” with apparent complicity by State actors. Nevertheless, the EU has for years financed the so-called Libyan Coast Guard.

Whether in the Facilitators Package or in its wider border policies, the EU must respect the rule of law and human rights.

The way to stop people taking dangerous journeys is providing safe and legal pathways for protection, commensurate in scale with the need for protection, and channels for regular migration for those seeking a better life. By denying safe routes, the EU pushes people into the arms and boats of smugglers and traffickers.

All the while, EU laws and narratives on stopping smugglers continue being used to criminalize migrants and people doing what they can to save lives or offer assistance. Unless the reform of the Facilitators package takes serious steps to uphold the duty to rescue and defend humanitarians, people will continue to risk jail for doing what is normal, human behaviour: helping others at risk.

Watch Seán as he discusses his case, his reflections and hopes for the future.

Listen to Séan’s full story in the first season of Amnesty’s podcast ‘On the Side of Humanity’.

The post Seán: A Greek court refused to criminalise rescue workers, but will the EU do the same? appeared first on Amnesty International.

Four more men removed by the United States arrived in Eswatini on 11 March and are being detained in the Matsapha Correctional Complex, a maximum-security prison located some 2 kms from the country’s international airport. 

According to information received by Amnesty International, the men – two Somali nationals, one Tanzanian national and one Sudanese national – arrived at around 11PM on a flight originating from Phoenix, Arizona. 

The authorities in Eswatini must immediately disclose the legal basis for these detentions, guarantee regular and confidential access to lawyers and families, and guarantee due process to ensure that no one is held arbitrarily. 

Vongai Chikwanda, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East and Southern Africa

“This latest unlawful transfer makes clear that the United States is continuing to send people to Eswatini under a secretive third-country removal arrangement, and that Eswatini is continuing to hold them in unlawful detention without transparency or adequate legal safeguards,” Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East and Southern Africa, Vongai Chikwanda, said. 

“People with no known ties to Eswatini are transferred there and arbitrarily detained while their fate is decided behind closed doors. The authorities in Eswatini must immediately disclose the legal basis for these detentions, guarantee regular and confidential access to lawyers and families, and guarantee due process to ensure that no one is held arbitrarily.” 

Both Eswatini and the United States must end this deeply abusive practice.

Vongai Chikwanda

In July 2025, the US removed a first group of five people to Eswatini where they were kept in arbitrary detention. This was followed by the removal of a further 10 individuals from the US to the Southern African country in October 2025. None were known to have ties with Eswatini, where human rights under the absolute monarchy continues to be curtailed. 

“No one should be removed to a country where they face a real risk of unlawful detention, onward refoulement or other serious human rights violations. Both Eswatini and the United States must end this deeply abusive practice,” Vongai Chikwanda said. 

Background

Under a Memorandum of Understanding signed on 14 May 2025 and published in the United States following a Freedom Of Information Act (FOIA) request, the government of Eswatini agreed to accept up to 160 third country national removed from the United States, in exchange for $5.1 million USD “to build its border and migration management capacity”.  

According to media reports, three men previously deported from the United States to Eswatini have filed a complaint before the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, alleging that their prolonged detention is unlawful.  

The post Eswatini: Arrival of four more men under US unlawful removal deal  appeared first on Amnesty International.

Pascale Solages is the co-founder and General Coordinator of Nègès Mawon, a feminist organization in Haiti founded in 2015. Since then, the organization provides access to health services and care for survivors of gender-based and sexual violence, and promotes feminist activism through art, education for girls, and advocacy. 

Haiti is currently experiencing an unprecedented social, political, and humanitarian crisis. Violence escalated in 2021 following the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, after which criminal groups seized control in Port-au-Prince, the country’s capital. Since then, several efforts have been made to restore peace in the country, but they have not been as successful as hoped. 

This interview is part of a series of blogs highlighting the extraordinary work of Haitian activists and organizations who are making a difference, especially in the lives of communities affected by violence in Haiti. 

Pascale, what motivated you to get involved in this work? 

I have been a member of feminist organizations since 2008; I was 19 years old at the time. I began engaging with feminist groups such as Foundation Toya. In 2015, I decided to create my own organization because I wanted to do things differently. I wanted to create a feminist festival, it was the first time a feminist organization in Haiti was using art in this way. I also wanted to build a structure to support this vision. 

My feminist engagement is also a response to my own experiences. I witnessed gender-based violence in my family from a young age. I grew up with images of my father beating my mother. I was also a victim of sexual violence when I was eight years old. I did not understand what was happening to me, and it was an extremely lonely journey. I had no one to talk to and no one to explain what was happening. 

It took me years to find people who helped me understand and heal from that trauma. I wanted to create the space I needed as a young girl, for other women and girls who were also survivors of sexual violence. So, the mix of my own experience as a Haitian girl and woman, with the beautiful work I did with other feminists across the country, and all the women I learned from throughout this journey, inspired me to create Nègès Mawon. 

How has the current crisis affected women and girls in Haiti? 

Haiti is facing a political, economic, social, and security crisis. In the first half of 2025 alone, more than 1,000 people were killed and over 1.2 million displaced. My own family has been displaced, as have many members of our staff. 

Gangs controlling territories are using sexual violence as a weapon of control. Women and girls have reduced access to education, healthcare, leadership spaces, and even safe public spaces. Their right to dream of a future where they can be free and safe is under attack. 

Women and girls are the first victims of this crisis. They all need and deserve security as citizens. Civil society and feminist organizations do not have sufficient resources to meet the scale of need. We do not have enough time, funding, personnel, or energy to support everyone who deserves help. 

How has the organization’s mission evolved over time, especially considering the recent crisis in Haiti? 

We chose the name, Nègès Mawon, that reflects our vision as Black women and Haitian women, and that carries deep meaning connected to our national history. Haiti is the first Black Republic and it is a country founded on the principles of freedom and humanity for everyone.  

Nègès Mawon symbolizes resistance. It reminds us of enslaved people who fled the colonies, fought oppression, and claimed their freedom while also helping others to be free. Thousands of women fought for this nation, even if their names do not appear in history books. We are fighting against that invisibility, against colonial legacies, and against ongoing foreign control. 

Today, we fight for everything that challenges Haitian women: freedom, humanity, and well-being. We draw inspiration from Black feminism and African feminist movements to restore our dignity and defend our lives. 

What kind of support do you provide to girls and women?  

Much of our work focuses on supporting survivors of sexual violence. We have a network of nurses, midwives, and doctors who provide medical care; lawyers who provide legal support; therapists who offer psychological services; and we provide economic assistance to survivors of all forms of violence, especially sexual violence. Our safe house offers women and girls a secure place to stay, heal, rebuild their lives, and access opportunities that promote economic autonomy. 

We also support girls who cannot attend school by covering school-related expenses and offering workshops and sexual education programs. Additionally, through our abortion legalization program, we help women access safe and legal abortion services. This is critical, as unsafe abortion is one of the leading causes of maternal mortality in Haiti, particularly among girls who become pregnant after rape. 

What do you wish more people around the world understood about Haitian organizations? 

We are working and fighting every single day to survive, to remain free, and to help others be free. Haitian women are victims of what is happening in the country, but we are also agents of change, building the community and the country we want to see. 

There is a narrative that Haitians cannot govern themselves, cannot build their country, cannot contribute to global conversations. We want to change that narrative. Haitian women are both Haitian citizens and global citizens. We have the right to occupy spaces where decisions are made about our future. 

Haiti is not only violence, corruption, and bad governance. It is beautiful people and a wonderful country that has, for centuries, contributed to other nations’ freedom. Women were part of that history, do not forget that. We will continue to speak and fight, even when it is difficult. We are leaders contributing to the global struggle for women’s rights, resisting fascism, sexism, and racism everywhere. 

Could you share a story that keeps you going? 

We have been supporting a woman, who is now part of our programme. A few months ago, she was living alone in a displacement camp where she was raped and became pregnant. She experienced severe complications and came to our office because she had nowhere else to go. 

Our staff accompanied her to the hospital. She had preeclampsia and needed emergency care. Staff stayed with her for two nights because she had no family support. Finally, she gave birth to a beautiful girl and she’s safe now. 

We covered all medical expenses, and she is staying in our safe house. That woman with her baby, their life, their future, reminds us why we continue. Even if we help one woman, one girl at a time, it matters and it is worthy. 

What message would you give to the Haitian government? 

Do your job. Millions of people, women and girls are suffering. Thousands are dying. People are losing hope, their strength to fight, the bright future for girls and boys in this country. 

We are doing our part as civil society, but we cannot replace the state. The government has resources and authority. it must act with accountability and responsibility. 

What message would you like to share with the international community? 

We ask our partners and the international community to continue providing financial support, but also to stand with us in advocacy and education efforts. 

Give space for local organizations to speak for themselves, to advocate for their communities, and to represent the people they serve. Our voices matter. Respect our sovereignty, our expertise, and our right to speak for ourselves. Listen to the people. Listen to local organizations and activists. 

As a Haitian feminist, it is deeply important to me that the world keeps its attention on Haiti. We know there are crises everywhere. We have sisters suffering in Palestine, Afghanistan, Sudan, Congo, and beyond. We stand in solidarity with them. But we also ask: do not forget Haiti. Include Haitian women when decisions are made about funding and policies. The crisis is happening now, and we need support now. 

Which are your hopes for the future? 

For Haitian women and girls, I hope for something simple: the right to exist.

The right to live without wondering whether they will survive the next 24 hours. The right to experience safety, joy, dignity, and that they can recognize their value as human beings. 

I hope one day we will live in a country where we do not have to fight for our lives every second. 

DEMAND PROTECTION FOR HAITI´S CHILDREN

DEMAND PROTECTION

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Responding to the launch of Medact’s (an organisation bringing together health workers in the UK) latest briefing that outlines grave human rights concerns and risks posed by contracting Palantir to build NHS England’s Federated Data Platform (FDP), Matt Mahmoudi, Researcher and Advisor on Artificial Intelligence and Human Rights at Amnesty International said:

“Amnesty International supports the briefing published by Medact and partners exposing why Palantir’s is an unsuitable partner for National Health Services (NHS) England due to significant human rights concerns associated with the company. Palantir has a track record of flagrantly disregarding international law and standards, both in the  violations of the human rights of migrants in the United States, to which it risks contributing to, and its ongoing supply of artificial intelligence (AI) products and services to the Israeli military and intelligence services that are linked to Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza.

“Amnesty International is calling on NHS England, the UK government and all other public institutions to use their leverage from their investments, including by responsibly divesting from Palantir and ceasing the purchase of equipment and services from the company. These measures must remain in place until the company can demonstrate that it is not contributing to Israel’s genocide, apartheid, unlawful occupation or other crimes under international law.”

Background

The briefing by Medact recommends NHS trusts and Integrated Care Boards (ICB) in England refuse to adopt Palantir’s Federated Data Platform (FDP).

Medact wrote to Palantir ahead of the publication of the briefing, and the company’s responses are reflected in their briefing. Palantir’s responses to Amnesty International’s allegations in relation to the use of its technology in Gaza and the United States are included in the respective outputs.

Palantir’s software is not fully operational within the NHS. Trusts and ICBs can and should decline to use the software, and NHS England must terminate its contract with Palantir at its upcoming review in February 2027.

On March 16, an online webinar will outline the briefing’s key findings and explore what they mean for the growing and urgent campaign to remove Palantir from the NHS.

Amnesty International is calling on Palantir to immediately cease its operations with all aspects of the Israeli military.

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Israel, the US and the Islamic Republic of Iran must immediately cease or refrain from unlawful attacks on energy infrastructure, including facilities providing essential services such as electricity, heating and running water, said Amnesty International today, highlighting the risks of devastating civilian harm and environmental impact posed by such attacks.

In recent days Israeli-US air strikes have targeted multiple fuel storage and distribution facilities in Iran, and the Islamic Republic of Iran’s military has carried out attacks affecting fuel depots and oil and gas infrastructure in multiple Gulf states.

“The potential for vast, predictable, and devastating civilian harm arising from strikes targeting energy infrastructure, including uncontrolled deadly fires, major disruptions to essential services, environmental damage, and severe long-term health risks for millions, means there is a substantial risk such attacks would violate international humanitarian law and in some cases could amount to war crimes,” said Heba Morayef, Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty International.

“Regardless of whether a military objective is cited to justify targeting energy infrastructure, under international humanitarian law all parties have a clear obligation to take all feasible precautions to reduce civilian harm and refrain from attacks that cause disproportionate death or injury to civilians or damage to civilian objects. This includes any foreseeable knock-on, indirect adverse effects on civilians’ life and health such as exposure to toxic chemicals.”

The potential for vast, predictable, and devastating civilian harm arising from strikes targeting energy infrastructure…means there is a substantial risk such attacks would violate international humanitarian law 

Heba Morayef, MENA Regional Director

Under international humanitarian law, an oil refinery can be targeted only if it qualifies as a military objective, meaning it is being used to make an effective contribution to military action – for example by producing fuel for the attacking armed forces – and damaging it would yield a definite military advantage in the circumstances ruling at the time. Even if those two prerequisites exist, the attacking party must take all feasible precautions to avoid or minimize collateral damage to civilians, such as the release of toxic substances, and, before striking, consider whether any such damage would be excessive to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated.  

Attacks on oil depots in Iran

In Iran, horrifying video footage of the aftermath of Israeli-US attacks on several fuel depots, including in the neighborhoods of Shahran, Sohanak and Kouhak in Tehran and the city of Shahr-e Rey in Tehran province and Fardis in Alborz province, on 7 March shows massive flames and plumes of thick black smoke rising, as well as large uncontrolled fires damaging civilian areas. Eyewitnesses also described to Amnesty International chilling scenes of oil-tainted rainfall.

After the attacks Iran’s environmental agency and the Iranian Red Crescent Society advised people in Tehran to stay indoors warning of the risks posed by the spread of toxic chemicals that could cause acid rain as a result of the air strikes.

The Israeli military has issued a statement confirming they carried out attacks on “a number of fuel storage facilities in Tehran”, saying they were used by the Islamic Republic of Iran’s military “to operate military infrastructure”.

“We are deeply alarmed at the potential impact of these attacks on the civilian population. Medical warnings about hazardous materials and toxic substances being released into the air, put millions of people in Tehran at risk of serious health complications, including cancer, lung and respiratory diseases and skin burns. States are bound to uphold social and economic rights during both peacetime and armed conflict,” said Heba Morayef.

An informed source in Tehran told Amnesty International that residential buildings around the oil depots in Shahran were damaged, leaving some people homeless.

An eyewitness told Amnesty International “The sky over Tehran was black today [8 March]. Then black rain started to fall. The ground everywhere has turned black, as if a layer of light cement had been poured over.”

Another eyewitness said on 8 March “This morning, the air was pitch black. It is daytime, but it’s dark like night. The city is full of soot. I went outside. It was raining a little, and my hands became black immediately. Soot is falling from the sky. It is terrifying.”

On 8 March, the Political Deputy Provincial Governor of Alborz province, Ghodratollah Seif, announced that the strike on the oil depot in Fardis killed at least six people and injured 21 others, including nearby residents. On 9 March, the president of Alborz University of Medical Sciences said that a dialysis center near the oil depot in Fardis was destroyed in the ensuing fire.

Attacks on energy infrastructure in Iran risk compounding the suffering of a population traumatized by massacres at the hands of the Islamic Republic authorities and who have already endured years of declining access to electricity, water, clean air, and a safe environment due to chronic state mismanagement and systemic violation of the people’s human right to take part in public affairs. These grievances, along with severe political repression, have been at the heart of successive nationwide protests, including most recently in January 2026, demanding human rights, dignity, and downfall of the Islamic Republic system. 

Attacks on oil infrastructure in Gulf countries

Since 28 February, multiple attacks affecting energy infrastructure have been reported in Gulf Cooperation Council countries. The Iranian foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, has said that its forces are “attacking American bases, American installations, American assets” that were  “unfortunately” based in their Gulf neighbouring countries, while the head of parliament, Mohammad Bagher Balifar, proclaimed that “as long as US bases exist in the region, countries will not see calm”.

Officials from Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain and Kuwait have said that Iranian drones and missiles have directly targeted oil and gas facilities in Gulf states, and that in other cases debris from intercepted attacks affected facilities. Governments across the Gulf severely restrict access to information and expression, which impedes reporting on the direct effects of attacks.

In Qatar, on 2 March, Qatari Ministry of Defence stated that Iranian drones had targeted energy facilities in the Ras Laffan Industrial City, Qatar’s main liquefied natural gas (LNG) export hub, but no casualties were reported. Following the attack, Qatar Energy suspended LNG production and declared force majeure, according to Reuters and Bloomberg News citing informed sources .   

On 7 March, the Saudi Ministry of Defence announced that 21 drones headed toward Aramco’s  Shaybah field, one the Kingdom’s largest oil fields, and includes facilities that produce natural gas liquids used in the petrochemical industry,  in several waves were intercepted and destroyed in the Empty Quarter.

In Kuwait, on 7 March, a spokesperson for the Kuwait Ministry of Defence said that drones targeted fuel tanks at Kuwait International Airport.

In Oman, on 1 March, state media reported that two drones struck the commercial port in Duqm on the eastern coast, injuring one foreign worker. On 2 March, state media stated that a drone strike targeted an oil tanker off the coast of Muscat, killing one Indian crew member.

Fires have broken out at a number of facilities, which officials speaking to the media have attributed either to missile attacks or debris from drone interceptions. In some cases, state-owned fossil fuel companies have reported suspending production or shipments after attacks.

In Bahrain, on 5 March, a fire broke out in one of the refinery units of the state-owned Bapco Energies as a result of an Iranian missile attack, according to Bahrain News Agency.  The company declared force majeure on its oil shipments.

In Saudi Arabia, on 2 March, the Saudi Ministry of Defense stated that two drones attempting to target the Saudi Aramco Ras Tanura oil refinery in the Eastern Province were intercepted, and the falling debris ignited a fire inside the facility.

In the UAE, on 10 March a fire broke out at Ruwais Industrial Complex in Abu Dhabi following a drone attack, according to Reuters. Fires also broke out at Musaffah fuel tank terminal on 2 March after it was targeted by a drone and at an oil industry zone in Fujairah on 3 March, after debris from a drone interception caused a fire. 

On 9 March, the official Kuwait News Agency reported that drone debris caused a fire in a fuel tank at Al Subiya power plant.

In addition to attacks on the Gulf states, commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz has come to an almost complete halt. On 10 March, the High Commissioner for Human Rights warned that the plunge in commercial shipping was already having a severe impact on access to “energy, food and fertilizer for people in the region and beyond,” and that an oil price surge would have economic and social knock-on effects. He once again called for investment in renewable energy.

“Attacks on or severely affecting fuel supply and distribution networks can trigger food insecurity, as these systems currently play a critical role in transportation, the goods supply chain, and industrial activity. All parties must ensure they are refraining from any unlawful attacks and place the protection of civilians at the forefront of all military decisions,” said Heba Morayef.

Background

According to Iranian officials, at least 1,255 people have been killed in Iran since 28 February when US-Israeli attacks began. At least 17 people have been killed in the Gulf since Iran began its attacks on Gulf countries (two in Bahrain; six in Kuwait; one person in Oman; two in Saudi Arabia; and six in the UAE). Eleven out of the 17 people are foreign nationals from India, Iran, Indonesia and Bangladesh amongst other countries residing in the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Oman and Bahrain according to official state media reports. A least 570 people have been killed in Israeli attacks in Lebanon according to the authorities. At least 12 people have been killed by attacks in Israel according to media reports.

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