Schlagwort: human rights

By Mandipa Machacha and Tsidi Leatswe

When Tadala Zindawa**, (21) from Tata village in Lilongwe’s Chitukula area, fell pregnant while in secondary school, she was overcome by fear and panic. Scared of her parents’ disapproval and with abortion criminalized in Malawi, Tadala resorted to unsafe methods using Aloe Vera or Surf Soap to induce abortion. The procedure not only failed, but it led to severe pain and heavy bleeding. She survived after post-abortion care, but the psychological and physical scars are lifelong.

Nevertheless, Tadala is one of the lucky ones.

Every year, hundreds of women and girls in Malawi die or are injured from pregnancy and childbirth-related complications. According to the Malawi Ministry of Health and the Guttmacher Institute, about 141,000 abortions occur annually in Malawi, the vast majority unsafe and accounting for 6–18% of maternal deaths.

Every year, hundreds of women and girls in Malawi die or are injured from pregnancy and childbirth-related complications.

Mandipa Machacha and Tshidi Leatwe

Preventing such deaths and injuries through timely access to care has been increasingly recognized around the world as a human rights issue, and not solely a public health concern.

In October 2025, the Human Rights Council adopted by consensus Resolution A/HRC/60/L.20/Rev.1 on Preventable Maternal Mortality and Morbidity and Human Rights. The resolution urges states to eliminate legal, structural, and social barriers that deny women and girls access to life-saving sexual and reproductive health services by repealing discriminatory laws, combating gender stereotypes, and ensuring access to comprehensive sexuality education.  

The resolution’s strength lies in its comprehensive framing. By linking maternal health to the right to life,  health, equality and non-discrimination, the resolution obliges states to ensure maternal care is based on human rights, health workers are protected, and sexual and reproductive health are integrated into universal health coverage. In doing so, it reminds the global community that maternal deaths and injuries are not inevitable – they are preventable when rights are respected and systems are accountable.

Yet, in Malawi, these commitments remain far from reality.

When law and policy fail women and girls

Malawi’s abortion law, inherited from colonial legislation and provided for in the Penal Code (Cap. 7:01)  permits abortion only to save the life of the mother, with no exceptions for rape, incest, or severe fetal anomaly. This restrictive framework violates international standards, including the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights’ General Comment No. 2 (2014) on Article 14 of the Maputo Protocol, which recognizes women’s right to medical abortion in cases of sexual assault, rape, incest, and where pregnancy endangers life or health.

Malawi’s abortion law, inherited from colonial legislation and provided for in the Penal Code (Cap. 7:01) permits abortion only to save the life of the mother, with no exceptions for rape, incest, or severe fetal anomaly

Mandipa Machacha and Tshidi Leatswe

Many women and girls, like Tadala, resort to unsafe and clandestine methods – ingesting harmful substances, inserting objects, or seeking untrained providers. Fear of prosecution deters them from seeking post-abortion care, which is legal under Sections 19 and 20 of the Gender Equality Act No. 3 of 2013.

This stark reality was reflected in a recent ruling by the High Court in Blantyre. On 28 October 2025, the High Court of Malawi ruled that denying a 14-year-old rape survivor access to a safe abortion violated her rights to sexual and reproductive health under the GenderEquality Act (AC (a minor) v Attorney General & Others, Civil Cause No. 162 of 2023).

Reform deferred, lives lost

For nearly a decade, advocates, medical professionals, and civil society organizations have pushed for the adoption of the Termination of Pregnancy Bill, which would expand access to abortion in limited cases such as rape, incest, and severe fetal anomaly.

Yet it remains stalled in Parliament, trapped between political hesitation and moral panic. Public opposition has been fueled by misinformation and religious fundamentalism that frames abortion as a moral transgression rather than a human rights and public health imperative. This rhetoric not only distorts the issue; it costs lives.

For nearly a decade, advocates, medical professionals, and civil society organizations have pushed for the adoption of the Termination of Pregnancy Bill, which would expand access to abortion in limited cases such as rape, incest, and severe fetal anomaly.

Mandipa Machacha and Tshidi Leatswe

Pregnancy complications  in childbirth remain the leading cause of death among girls aged 15–19 worldwide, according to the WHO. In Malawi, adolescent pregnancies are associated with higher risks of obstetric complications, school dropout, and social exclusion. Denial of sexual and reproductive health information and services perpetuates gender inequality and violates Malawi’s obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), and the Maputo Protocol.

Every maternal death and injury from a preventable cause violates the right to life. Every unsafe abortion is a failure of justice. Malawi to must act now, because the cost of inaction is measured in lives lost, those living with injuries and futures denied.

This opinion piece first ran in the Malawi Nation Online.

Mandipa Machacha is a Researcher and Advisor on Gender at Amnesty International.
Tshidi Leatswe is a Regional Campaigner on Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe at Amnesty International.

*names have been changed to protect her identity. 

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The appalling response by Georgian authorities to allegations that prohibited toxic chemicals were used against protestors to suppress peaceful demonstrations must be met with an international investigation and a complete embargo on all policing equipment, Amnesty International said today in a public statement.

On 1 December 2025, the BBC documentary When Water Burns presented evidence suggesting that water cannon deployed during protests in Georgia in November-December 2024, sprayed water mixed with bromobenzyl cyanide. This World War I-era tear gas, also known as camite, is an harmful toxic chemical that can cause burns, vomiting, shortness of breath and other serious long-lasting injuries. The findings reinforced concerns previously raised by local watchdogs, medical professionals and Amnesty International about the alleged use of toxic chemicals against protestors during the 2024 anti-government rallies.

The Georgian authorities’ immediate reaction was to deny the allegations. The ruling party has publicly denounced the BBC documentary as containing “absurd and false claims” and labelled the BBC a “fake media” organisation. However, following public outcry over the BBC report, the State Security Service of Georgia (SSG) announced an investigation into the allegations. But instead of taking steps to establish the relevant facts and verify the evidence presented, Georgian authorities have begun targeting experts, witnesses, human rights defenders and journalists whose testimonies were presented in the documentary, on suspicion of “abuse of official powers” and “assisting a foreign organization in hostile activity”.

“The Georgian authorities are responding to these serious allegations with a Kafkaesque combination of measures: on the one hand, a wave of fear-mongering and reprisals against witnesses and journalists who came forward; on the other, outright denial and dismissal of evidence as ‘absurd’ – all while keeping the appearance that the investigation into injuries sustained by protesters is underway,” said Denis Krivosheev Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia.

The Georgian authorities are responding to these serious allegations with a Kafkaesque combination of measures: on the one hand, a wave of fear-mongering and reprisals against witnesses and journalists who came forward; on the other, outright denial and dismissal of evidence as ‘absurd’ – all while keeping the appearance that the investigation into injuries sustained by protesters is underway

Denis Krivosheev Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia

Experts, witnesses and civil society targeted

Following the BBC broadcast, experts, witnesses and human rights defenders who shared information were summoned for questioning by the SSG, including under procedures typically used for serious criminal cases. The authorities alleged that their testimonies may amount to a criminal offence, by harming Georgia’s national interests and reputation.

On 2 December, Konstantine Chakhunashvili, a doctor who assessed protesters exposed to chemical agents, was summoned less than 24 hours after the documentary aired. He and his colleagues, David Chakhunashvili and Gela Ghunashvili, who co-authored the study into the injuries caused by the toxic chemicals used against protesters, were also questioned about their contacts with journalists.

Representatives of the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association (GYLA) and Transparency International Georgia, both of which provided publicly available information to the BBC, were also summoned before magistrate judges.

“By branding the sharing of information with journalists as ‘hostile activity’ and summoning and casting experts, civil society groups, and victims as threats to ‘state interests,’ the authorities are undermining the integrity of the investigation and creating a chilling effect on freedom of expression,” said Denis Krivosheev.

By branding the sharing of information with journalists as ‘hostile activity’ and summoning and casting experts, civil society groups, and victims as threats to ‘state interests,’ the authorities are undermining the integrity of the investigation

Denis Krivosheev Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia

Call for accountability and a complete embargo on transfers of policing equipment

The SSG’s flawed investigation is part of a wider pattern in which Georgian authorities seek to shield law enforcement from accountability. Amnesty International has consistently documented the systemic abuse of the justice system to silence dissent and sustain a climate of impunity for human rights violations committed by law enforcement officers.

“The intimidation of experts and witnesses, combined with the authorities’ perverse approach to the very idea of an investigation into these allegations, makes independent international scrutiny essential,” said Denis Krivosheev

“Amnesty International calls for the creation of an international mechanism of enquiry into the alleged use of toxic chemicals against protesters and other use of unlawful force by Georgian law enforcement during 2024 protests and for state parties to the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to support a Fact-Finding Mission.”

In addition, Georgia’s international partners must adopt robust measures, including a compete embargo on transfers of law enforcement equipment and weapons used against protesters.

States must ensure that equipment capable of causing harm is not supplied to a government that has already violated basic human rights

Denis Krivosheev Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia

“States must ensure that equipment capable of causing harm is not supplied to a government that has already violated basic human rights,” Denis Krivosheev said.

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Reacting to the Kremlin’s latest abuse of the criminal justice system to target Yabloko, the last remaining officially registered political party in Russia that has been openly calling for an end to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Marie Struthers, Amnesty International’s Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia, said:

“In preparation for the September 2026 parliamentary election, Russian authorities are steadily dismantling what remains of peaceful political opposition. It is clear they want to purge the political landscape of any groups which are not under the Kremlin’s control and do not share its agenda, including its ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine.

It is clear [that the Russian authorities] want to purge the political landscape of any groups which are not under the Kremlin’s control and do not share its agenda, including its ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine

Marie Struthers, Amnesty International’s Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia

“The pressure on Yabloko’s leadership is relentless. Deputy Chair Lev Shlosberg, convicted under the “foreign agents” law, faces a new criminal case opened today. Another Deputy Chair, Maksim Kruglov, was arrested in October, and party leader Nikolai Rybakov is farcically convicted for “extremism.” These reprisals are a deliberate effort to silence the last organized political force in Russia that consistently calls for peace and speaks out against human rights violations.

“Criminalizing calls for a ceasefire and prosecuting individuals for peacefully expressing views on Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine are blatant attacks on freedom of expression. The Russian authorities must immediately and unconditionally overturn these convictions and drop all the baseless charges against the Yabloko leadership, as well as release all those detained solely for their anti-war views, and repeal war censorship legislation that criminalizes dissent.”

Background

On 5 November 2025, Lev Shlosberg was sentenced to 420 hours of community service for “violation of foreign agent’s duties”. The authorities claimed that he had not marked five videos posted on social media with the “foreign agent” disclaimer. The second criminal case against him – under the “discreditation of Armed Forces” charge – is ongoing.

On 5 December 2025, authorities opened a third criminal case against Lev Shlosberg for “spreading false information about the Armed Forces” over a repost from February 2022. It happened just days before he was due to be released from six months of house arrest that could no longer be legally extended, under a previous “discreditation” case. A day earlier, in two separate cases, St Petersburg courts fined party Chair Nikolai Rybakov RUB 1,500 (USD 19.5) and senior politician, Boris Vishnevsky, RUB 15,000 (USD 195). Rybakov was fined for “sharing extremist symbols” – namely, a photograph of the late opposition figure Aleksei Navalny which Rybakov posted on the day of Navalny’s death. Vishnevsky was fined for allegedly “cooperating with an undesirable organization” in an interview with the elections-monitoring group Golos, which authorities claim is linked to the banned European Network of Election Monitoring Organizations.

These fines serve as pretexts for further reprisals: Rybakov’s “extremism” case already bars him from running in the September 2026 parliamentary election, while the case against Vishnevsky paves the way for subsequent criminal prosecution if he is accused of “cooperation with an undesirable organization” again.

On 2 October 2025, Yabloko’s Deputy Chair Maksim Kruglov was arrested and placed in pre-trial detention over two 2022 Telegram posts referring to UN estimates of civilian casualties in Ukraine and the killings of civilians in Bucha.

At least five other Yabloko party regional leaders and members have been prosecuted. Around 50 administrative cases have been initiated against Yabloko members across Russia’s regions. Eleven Yabloko members, including Nobel Peace Prize laureate Dmitry Muratov and veteran human rights defender Svetlana Gannushkina, have been designated “foreign agents.”  

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Responding to an announcement on 04 December that Burkina Faso’s government has decided to reintroduce the death penalty seven years after it was abolished for ordinary crimes as part of a reform of the Penal Code, Marceau Sivieude, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for West and Central Africa said:

“The death penalty is the ultimate cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment, and an irreversible denial of the right to life.

“This punishment has no unique deterrent effect, it disproportionately affects those from disadvantaged backgrounds and carries the danger of being used as a repressive tool to punish dissent.

Burkina Faso must immediately halt any plans to reinstate the death penalty regardless of the nature of the offences or crimes committed.

Marceau Sivieude, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for West and Central Africa

“The Transitional National Council must oppose the reintroduction of death penalty in the Penal Code, which would set Burkina Faso against the goal of abolition of the death penalty enshrined under various international and regional human rights treaties and instruments.

“Burkina Faso must immediately halt any plans to reinstate the death penalty regardless of the nature of the offences or crimes committed. Countries that still retain the death penalty are an isolated minority as the world continues to move away from this cruel punishment.”

Background

During a cabinet meeting on 04 December, the Burkinabe government adopted a draft bill to reform the Penal Code, which includes reinstating the death penalty for certain offences such as “high treason,” “terrorism,” and “acts of espionage”, as announced by the Burkinabe government’s information service. The bill must be approved by the Transitional Legislative Assembly.

The death penalty has been abolished in the Penal Code of Burkina Faso since 2018. The last recorded execution in the country was in 1988.

Trends recorded so far in 2025 indicate that executions have significantly increased in a handful of countries, with some governments showing renewed determination to use this cruel punishment as a tool of repression and control. The overwhelming majority of countries has rejected the death penalty in law or practice.

Amnesty International opposes the death penalty in all cases without exception – regardless of who is accused, the nature or circumstances of the crime, guilt or innocence or method of execution.

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Reacting to today’s vote by the Faroese parliament (the ‘Lagtinget’/‘Løgting’) to amend the law to permit access to abortion on request up until the end of the twelfth week of pregnancy, Turið Maria, Director of Amnesty International Faroe Islands said:    

“Today’s vote amending the Faroe Islands’ deeply outdated and restrictive abortion law is an important step towards ensuring the provision of safe and legal abortion.    

Whilst today’s vote is a positive step, the stark reality remains that those who provide or help facilitate abortion still face criminalization

“It is the result of years of tireless campaigning by activists who have fought to lift restrictions on access to abortion. These restrictions – some of the most severe in Europe -have had a devastating impact on generations of women and other people who need abortion care, endangering lives, jeopardizing health and forcing many to make costly trips abroad, mostly to Denmark. 

“Whilst today’s vote is a positive step, the stark reality remains that those who provide or help facilitate abortion still face criminalization. Decriminalizing abortion is essential to ensuring all people who need abortion services, as well as abortion providers, activists and advocates, are not threatened with criminal or other punitive sanctions for accessing, assisting someone to access, or delivering abortion services.”   

Background    

Faroe Islands are a self-governing autonomous territory within Denmark.    

The new abortion law will replace the 1956 Abortion Act that allowed abortions only in cases of rape or incest, life or health of the pregnant woman, foetus impairment or social grounds.   

Today’s vote saw MPs voting in favour of the law follows a first vote in parliament on 3 December which passed, 17 votes to 16.   

For more information contact press@amnesty.org or Turið Maria Jóhansdóttir at turid@amnesty.fo   

    

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