Death penalty in 2025 – Facts and figures

Every year, Amnesty International releases a report detailing the use of the death penalty from the previous year.

In this year’s report, there was a staggering rise in executions and death sentences, carried out by a handful of governments determined to rule by fear.

Here, we provide the details on the main findings from the report, at a global and regional level.

Global figures

Global executions

  • Amnesty International recorded at least 2,707 executions in 2025 in 17 countries, an increase of 78% from the 1,518 known executions in 2024. It is the highest figure recorded by Amnesty International since 1981 when it recorded 3,191 executions (excluding China).
  • China remained the world’s leading executioner, but the true extent of its use of the death penalty remains unknown as this data remains classified as a state secret. The global figure of executions recorded by Amnesty International excludes the thousands of executions believed to have been carried out in China, as well as those carried out in Viet Nam and North Korea where Amnesty International believes the death penalty was used extensively.
  • The countries with the highest number of executions were China (1000s), Iran (2,159+), Saudi Arabia (356+), Yemen (51+), USA (47) – in that order.
  • Women were known to have been executed in five countries: China (+), Egypt (1), Iran (61), Kuwait (1) and Saudi Arabia (5).
  • Executions were recorded in 17 countries, an increase by two on the record-low figures recorded for 2024 (15). This is in line with historical low trends recorded since 2018 that have seen executions confined to 20 or fewer countries.

Violating international law

  • 1,257 executions were known to have been carried out unlawfully for drug-related offences across five countries: China (+), Iran (998, 46% of the total), Kuwait (2, 12%), Saudi Arabia (240, 67%) and Singapore (15, 88%). Information on Viet Nam, which is also likely to have carried out such executions, was unavailable. The total number of 1,257 known executions for drug-related offences constitutes 46% of total executions recorded globally, nearly doubling the 2024 figure (637).
  • At least 17 public executions were known to have been carried out, in Afghanistan (6) and Iran (11).
  • At least 3 people – in Iran (1) and Saudi Arabia (2) – were executed for alleged crimes that occurred when they were below 18 years of age.
  • The methods of execution used in 2025 were: beheading; hanging, lethal injection, shooting and nitrogen gas asphyxiation.

Global death sentences

  • At least 2,334 new death sentences across 48 countries were recorded in 2025, compared to at least 2,087 death sentences recorded across 46 countries in 2024.
  • Six countries − Bahrain, Comoros, Gambia, the Maldives, Qatar, and Taiwan − were known to have imposed death sentences after a hiatus.
  • Amnesty International recorded commutations or pardons of death sentences in 24 countries.
  • Amnesty International recorded 1 exoneration of individuals under sentence of death in the USA.
  • Globally, at least 25,508 people were under sentence of death at the end of 2025.

 Abolishing the death penalty

  • At the end of 2025, 113 countries were fully abolitionist and 145 in total had abolished the death penalty in law or practice.

Regional analysis

Americas

  • For the 17th consecutive year, the USA was the only country in the region to execute people.Eleven US states carried out executions in 2025, an increase by two compared to 2024 (nine).US executions reached the highest figure (47) since 2009, with Florida driving the spike with 19 executions.
  • Trinidad and Tobago and the USA were the only two countries in the Americas known to have imposed new death sentences.

Asia-Pacific

  • Asia-Pacific continued to be the region with the highest number of executions in the world.
  • In Asia -Pacific, seven countries (Afghanistan, China, Japan, North Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and Viet Nam) were known to have carried out executions in 2025, an increase from five in 2024.
  • Executions resumed in Japan and Taiwan after a hiatus; the government of Singapore almost doubled its yearly execution total compared to 2024.
  • At least 796 new death sentences were known to have been imposed in the region.
  • The authorities of Viet Nam abolished the death penalty for eight offences.

Europe and Central Asia

  • No death sentences or executions were recorded in Europe and Central Asia.   
  • 2025 was the first year since President Alexander Lukashenko assumed office in 1994 that Amnesty International recorded no new death sentences nor executions in Belarus.
  • The Kyrgyz Constitutional Court declared efforts to reintroduce the death penalty in the country unconstitutional.
  • Russia and Tajikistan continued to observe moratoriums on executions. 

Middle East and North Africa

  • The number of executions in the region grew alarmingly from at least 1,442 in 2024 to at least 2,611 in 2025.
  • The Iranian authorities were known to have carried out at least 2,159 executions, the highest figure recorded in Iran by Amnesty International since 1981.
  • Executions in Saudi Arabia reached the highest figure on record in any given year, from at least 345 in 2024 to at least 356 in 2025.The authorities of United Arab Emirates (UAE) resumed executions for the first time since 2021.In total, seven countries across the region were known to have carried executions in 2025: Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen.The number of recorded death sentences reached 743 a slight decrease from 773 in 2024.
  • The Council of Ministers of Lebanon supported a bill to abolish the death penalty.

Sub-Saharan Africa

  • Recorded executions in the region fell by 47%, from 34 in 2024 to 18 in 2025.
  • Executions were recorded in Somalia and South Sudan, two of the only five countries known to have implemented death sentences in the last decade.
  • Recorded death sentences in the region increased by 74%, from at least 443 in 2024 to 771 in 2025.
  • The number of countries that issued death sentences decreased from 14 in 2024 to 13 in 2025
  • Legislative initiatives to abolish the death penalty were registered in Gambia, Liberia and Nigeria.

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“For frontline Indigenous Peoples, the cost of fossil fuels is not theoretical” – Chief Dsta’hyl on land, climate change and our collective future.

Chief Dsta’hyl (also known as Adam Gagnon), a Wing Chief of the Likhts’amisyu Clan of the Wet’suwet’en Nation, was unjustly arrested and sentenced to house arrest in 2024 for peacefully defending the land and rights of the Wet’suwet’en people from the Coastal GasLink pipeline expansion project. He was the first person to be designated an Amnesty International prisoner of conscience in Canada.

Amnesty International has called on the government of British Columbia to ensure the end of the criminalization of Wet’suwet’en and other Indigenous land defenders.  Here, Chief Dsta’hyl reflects on his critical work to protect Wet’suwet’en land, rights and the environment we all depend on.

We don’t own this land. We belong to the land. We are a part of the water, the earth, the air – we are a part of everything. The land and the Wet’suwet’en are very spiritual. My mom once said that the moment you accept a Wet’suwet’en Chief’s name, you are no longer your own person. From that day on, you only act in the best interest of your people… and everything that has to do with living on the land and being a part of the land.

In the 1950s, our lands were put onto reserves and we were given English names and turned into “legal Indians” – they made it sound like they were giving us something, but they were actually taking everything away. Before, we had hundreds of thousands of caribou (reindeers) on our territory, but the government and industry that followed drove them out. There are hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of resources underground on our territory and they want it.

Defending our land shouldn’t be a crime

For frontline Indigenous People like the Wet’suwet’en, the cost of fossil fuels is not theoretical. For years I’ve watched the Canadian government and fossil fuel companies carve their way through Wet’suwet’en territory, not just with machinery to build a liquified natural gas pipeline, but with a legal system that refuses to recognize our Indigenous law, authority, and rights.

When I first got convicted and faced house arrest for defending the Yin’tah (Wet’suwet’en land) from the pipeline construction, I went into a depression for three months because the court ruled that I couldn’t be out on the territory, doing what I was meant to do – protect the land and its wildlife. All the corporations see is an empty space, they don’t understand the land.

The (real) cost of fossil fuels

The Wet’suwet’en people have known for decades that the land is being pushed past its limits. Replanting a clear-cut forest doesn’t restore what was taken in the process of setting up the Coastal GasLink pipeline that runs through our land. It takes 60 to 70 years for new trees to mature, and even then, the ecosystems never fully return. Micro-habitats disappear. If our 22,000 square kilometers of territory were fully recognized as Wet’suwet’en land, we would decide what is extracted and what is protected and they would lose control.

The impacts of the Coastal GasLink pipeline don’t end at the construction site. Compressor stations, new pipeline infrastructure that the company wants to build on our land, will bring continuous low frequency noise and light pollution that floods what should be dark wilderness. Animals are deeply sensitive to sound and light. These are long-term harms that no environmental assessment meaningfully accounts for.

A system designed to enable extraction

During my conviction, a judge told me that Wet’suwet’en law and colonial law cannot coexist. It means the courts, which are supposed to be neutral, have already decided which laws matter and which don’t. Think about what it means for a judge to say this: it means no Indigenous person defending their land can ever expect a fair trial. It says that the laws of the people whose rights have never been extinguished will be dismissed outright.

This is not justice. It is the continuation of a system designed to enable extraction, not accountability.

In 1997, the Supreme Court of Canada’s decision in Delgamuukw affirmed  the Wet’suwet’en’s hereditary governance structure and that any major project crossing our territory must receive consent from our Hereditary Chiefs. That ruling should have guided every decision about the Coastal GasLink pipeline and LNG Canada’s operations. Instead, today the government acts as if the ruling doesn’t exist.

When we raised the Delgamuukw precedent in court, the judge dismissed it as irrelevant to the injunction and instead criminalized us for defending our unceded territory. But this legal fight runs deeper than one arrest.

This is not justice.
It is the continuation of a system designed to enable extraction, not accountability.

Chief Dsta’hyl, a Wing Chief of the Likhts’amisyu Clan of the Wet’suwet’en Nation

Bulldozing our rights is not climate leadership

We are asking the courts to enforce the basic principle of good governance – something Canada routinely preaches but rarely practices when fossil fuel profits are involved. It is a political choice driven by industry pressure and the desire to access our land without our consent.

Canada cannot call itself a climate leader or a human rights defender while bulldozing Indigenous law, silencing Indigenous sovereignty, and fast-tracking fossil fuel expansion.

The land is suffering. Our people are suffering. And unless this system changes, it won’t be the corporations paying the price. It will continue to be us.

Every contribution helps to resist

Since 2019, we have been fighting a climate case against the federal government. We’ve had it stayed three times and we keep pushing to move it forward.

We have been taking the lead in resistance for many years, against colonization, against abuse of powers that governments have over Indigenous Peoples worldwide. We have lawyers working on it full time and organizations providing support.

Amnesty International has brought so much awareness to our situation; there are not enough thank yous that we can say for all of the work it has done. I used to listen to programs on CBC where people came on to talk from Amnesty and I used to listen to it all the time. Other organizations have also helped Indigenous People – different foundations making contributions to help us with our plans to reclaim our land. We need this kind of help to continue; every contribution helps to resist the colonization.

Fossil fuels are a dying industry and have to stop. The world used to use whale oil and it wasn’t until fossil fuels came along that the slaughter of whales stopped. When General Motors first came out with the electric car, the big oil industry lobbied to get rid of it. We really only need to keep trying to move forward with climate action and stay optimistic.

Every climate movement, whether through the new draft UN Climate Change resolution on the ICJ Advisory Opinion tabled by the Pacific islands or whether it’s Amnesty or the lawyers helping us, it all makes a huge difference, especially on the international front. It is our land, our law, our wildlife, our health, our governance, and our future being sacrificed so corporations can profit and governments can avoid confronting the climate crisis.

Sometimes it may feel futile but we all have to do our part for all humanity.

Every climate movement, whether through the new draft UN Climate Change resolution on the ICJ Advisory Opinion tabled by the Pacific islands or whether it’s Amnesty or the lawyers helping us… it all makes a huge difference.

Chief Dsta’hyl

Knowledge is power

Learn how you can take action against fossil fuels

People around the world are demanding the end of fossil fuels. Frontline communities are resisting and you can join them.

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Hong Kong: Activists’ unjust trial for peaceful Tiananmen commemoration resumes

Responding to the resumption of the trial of activists who organized Tiananmen vigils in Hong Kong, Amnesty International Hong Kong’s spokesperson Fernando Cheung said:

“As closing arguments begin in this trial, the Hong Kong authorities must confront the basic injustice at its heart: commemorating victims of human rights abuses is compassionate, not criminal. Holding people criminally responsible for peaceful commemoration compounds the injustice suffered by the victims of the Tiananmen crackdown.

“Throughout these trial proceedings, Chow Hang-tung and Lee Cheuk-yan have shown remarkable courage and dignity in the face of prosecution. They did nothing but  legitimately exercise their human rights in their Tiananmen commemorations.”

Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director Sarah Brooks added:

“The prosecution’s case relies on vague, overly broad and arbitrary definitions of ‘subversion’. The charges against Chow and Lee should be dropped, and the authorities must ensure that people in Hong Kong can freely remember the events of 4 June 1989 without fear of retaliation.

“Chow and Lee are prisoners of conscience, incarcerated simply for exercising their human rights, and they must be immediately and unconditionally released.”

Background

The prosecution and defence are scheduled to deliver their closing statements in the trial of Hong Kong’s Tiananmen activists from 18 May 2026.

Chow Hang-tung and Lee Cheuk-yan were among the members of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (Hong Kong Alliance) charged with “inciting subversion of state power” under the Beijing-imposed National Security Law in September 2021.

They have been held in pre-trial detention ever since, having been repeatedly denied bail, and face up to 10 years’ imprisonment if convicted. Both have been designated prisoners of conscience by Amnesty International.

Authorities said the annual Tiananmen vigil the Hong Kong Alliance had organized since 1990 was evidence of the group “endangering national security”.

Amnesty International has repeatedly raised concerns that Hong Kong’s National Security Law, enacted in June 2020, is being used to target civil society groups, journalists, political activists and academics for actions that are fully protected under international human rights law.

The Tiananmen vigils commemorated the events of 4 June 1989, when Chinese troops opened fire on students and workers who had been peacefully protesting for political reforms in and around Beijing’s Tiananmen Square. Hundreds – possibly thousands – of people were killed. Tens of thousands more were arrested across China in the suppression that followed.

In the 37 years since the crackdown, all discussion of the incident has been heavily censored in China, and authorities have effectively erased it from their version of history.

While commemorating the Tiananmen crackdown was forbidden in mainland China, in Hong Kong crowds reaching hundreds of thousands of people would gather annually in centrally located Victoria Park to peacefully remember those killed. The vigil participants called on the Chinese authorities to reveal the truth about what happened and accept accountability for the atrocity; local government as a practice did not interfere or object.

The last major vigil organized by the Hong Kong Alliance was held in 2019. The Hong Kong vigil was banned in 2020 and 2021, ostensibly on Covid-19 grounds. Since then, the National Security Law has effectively criminalized peaceful protest in the city – including Tiananmen commemorations.

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Russia: Journalist Ivan Safronov jailed for 22 years on trumped-up treason charges is a prisoner of conscience

Commenting on Amnesty International’s designation of Ivan Safronov – a former journalist from Russia sentenced to 22 years’ imprisonment on “high treason” charges – as a prisoner of conscience, Marie Struthers, Amnesty International’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia Director, said:

“The Russian authorities have not presented credible evidence that Ivan Safronov committed high treason. They conducted an unfair trial behind closed doors and issued a chilling 22-year sentence, apparently motivated by the desire to punish him for his journalistic work.

“Ivan Safronov’s case is emblematic of the Russian authorities’ assault on independent journalism and freedom of expression. Reprisals against his lawyers and continuing pressure against Ivan to make him reveal his sources show a system determined to silence journalists and punish those defending their rights.

Ivan Safronov’s case is emblematic of the Russian authorities’ assault on independent journalism and freedom of expression

Marie Struthers, Amnesty International’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia Director

“Ivan Safronov is a prisoner of conscience, imprisoned solely for his work as a journalist and for exercising his right to freedom of expression. The Russian authorities must immediately and unconditionally release him, quash his conviction, and ensure that journalists and lawyers can do their work without fear of reprisals.”

Background

Ivan Safronov worked for Kommersant and Vedomosti newspapers, reporting on Russia’s military and technical cooperation with foreign states, Russia’s defence and space industries, corruption and politics. Shortly before his arrest, he joined the Russian Space Agency (Roskosmos) as an adviser to the Director General.

He was detained by Federal Security Service (FSB) officers in Moscow on 7 July 2020 and charged with “high treason” under Article 275 of the Russian Criminal Code. The authorities alleged that he had passed classified information concerning Russia’s defence and security to a representative of a NATO country’s intelligence service.

The authorities failed to provide credible evidence to substantiate the accusations, and the case against Safronov was marred by secrecy, questionable evidence and serious fair-trial violations. These findings have been reported by independent media outlets.

On 5 September 2022, Moscow City Court sentenced Ivan Safronov to 22 years’ imprisonment. He is serving his sentence in a high security penal colony in Krasnoyarsk, over 4,000 km from his home in Moscow.

Ivan Safronov’s defence lawyers, including Ivan Pavlov, Evgueny Smirnov and Dmitry Talantov, were also subjected to prosecution and other reprisals.

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