Schlagwort: Amnesty International

Companies are extracting vast troves of online data through unlawful web scraping to build their generative artificial intelligence (AI) products in a way that is enabling a mass invasion of privacy, making these systems unlawful by design, Amnesty International said in a new briefing today. 

Unlawful by Design: Exposing the Human Rights Costs of Generative AI documents serious risks in the large-scale data scraping and processing being used to build and train these systems, including violations of the right to privacy by design and adverse consequences for the environment and historically marginalized communities. 

“Companies across the world are supplying generative AI products under the veneer of efficiency and sophistication, but in reality, these systems perpetuate mass invasions of privacy through unlawful web scraping: an automated process for extracting data from websites, including personal data, such as images and social media activity, to train AI models,” said Likhita Banerji, Head of the Algorithmic Accountability Lab, Amnesty International.   

“The extractive data pipeline, inherent design choices made by tech companies and exploitative supply chains, to build generative AI systems have enabled a paradigm of technology development that opens up a risk of mass abuse of human rights.” 

Amnesty International researched the models powering some of the most popular publicly available standalone generative AI tools, including GPT 3 by Open AI, Google’s Gemini, Meta’s Llama, DeepSeek and tools by Midjourney and Stable Diffusion.  

Such systems rely on extracting information from billions of public online posts and images often without the explicit consent of the individuals appearing in or creating them. Not only does this infringe on privacy by design but as datasets powering AI models scale up, the presence of hateful and discriminatory content in their outputs also gets amplified, along with negative stereotypes and prejudices, especially along racial and gendered lines.  

“These choices are not inevitable. We must challenge the design choices adopted by companies who build generative AI systems by relying on training data, including personal data, that is extracted non-consensually and on a grand scale.”

Likhita Banerji, Head of the Algorithmic Accountability Lab, Amnesty International

Racial, gender and cultural biases are consistent features of generative AI systems, a product of the training data that is largely pulled from the web and therefore polluted with real-world biases which harm historically marginalized communities. Additionally, generative AI systems pose risks to the right to freedom of thought as they are capable of influencing users’ thoughts and shaping their personal beliefs through predictive suggestions. This is especially true for larger models reliant on expansive training data. 

“These choices are not inevitable. We must challenge the design choices adopted by companies who build generative AI systems by relying on training data, including personal data, that is extracted non-consensually and on a grand scale,” said Likhita Banerji. 

“This is one of the most egregious practices among AI companies operating with disregard for human rights and must urgently be addressed. A different trajectory of technology development is possible if authorities act urgently to course correct.” 

Heavy environmental costs

As the scale and speed of development has picked up at generative AI companies, so have the infrastructure requirements and associated environmental costs. 

The higher processing needs of larger models require more energy-intensive chips, larger data centres, and consequently, more energy and water for its operationalisation. Generative AI production often results in a negative impact on communities that are historically marginalized as the lands and resources that belong to these communities are exploited to build data centres and fulfill processing requirements. 

Google’s own sustainability report from 2024 noted a staggering 48 per cent increase in the company’s greenhouse gas emissions since 2019, attributable to data centre and supply chain emissions. Similarly, Microsoft’s emissions increased by 29 per cent between 2020 and 2024, attributable to data centres carrying out AI-supporting processes.  

The intensive use of resources in generative AI production has led to communities from Cerrillos in Chile, and Querétaro in Mexico, to Arizona in the United States of America, resisting data centres in areas that are already heavily affected by droughts and shortages in electricity. 

As part of its research process, Amnesty International wrote to Google, OpenAI, Meta, Stability AI, Midjourney, and DeepSeek giving them an opportunity to respond to the findings of the research briefing which states that their models are reliant on unlawful web scraping, among many other related human rights concerns.  

Amnesty International also wrote to Intel and VMware specifically regarding the risks of discrimination, and to Google, Microsoft and Amazon  about the environmental harms associated with their generative AI systems and related infrastructures. At the time of publication, only Microsoft, Amazon, Intel, OpenAI and Meta responded to Amnesty International. A summary of their responses is included in the briefing.  

Amnesty International is calling on states to prohibit standalone generative AI systems that have been built using unlawful web scraping, defined as the bulk and mass collection of training data through the web. Companies must immediately cease the practice of unlawful non-consensual web scraping of personal data for AI training purposes, and states must hold companies to account for their involvement in any human rights abuses linked to their design and business choices. 

Background

The briefing provides a human rights analysis of the ‘data pipeline’ that powers generative AI products, including the stages of data capture, analysis, and processing that are critical to the overall functioning of these systems. Specifically, this involves zooming in on the parameters and implications of design choices made in relation to the training data of generative AI models, with a focus on methods and sources of data collection, data processing, model scaling and data outputs. 

Amnesty International defines standalone generative AI tools as products that are developed, deployed and marketed for their generative AI capabilities solely and specifically, such as AI chatbots, image/video/audio/text generators, and so on. This does not include products where generative AI is an added feature or function in a larger suite of products, for example, word processing software with optional generative AI features. 

The post Global: Enormous data pipelines powering major generative AI systems are rooted in mass invasions of privacy by design   appeared first on Amnesty International.

Natalia Lishchyshena is a veteran of the Russian-Ukrainian war who now works as a specialist, supporting military personnel and veterans to address legal and social issues, after she was injured by the body armour she was wearing on the way to a warzone.  

Despite facing constant setbacks, Natalia has become the first woman in Ukraine to prove the harm standard-issue body armour, designed for men, can cause to the female body, after receiving official recognition from the medical commission. In this story, she shares why protective equipment needs to be adapted for women in the military.

“I was born into a military family. My father was a serviceman, and I always wanted to be like him. After he finished his service, our family settled in the Luhansk region in eastern Ukraine. When Russia started hostilities in our region in 2014, I decided to stay in Luhansk region because my father was ill and needed care. 

I dreamt of becoming a lawyer. At the age of 38, I started studying law. Later, I volunteered for military service. My husband supported my decision. In 2021, I signed a contract with the 80th Separate Air Assault Brigade. I was 40 years old. We did not believe that a full-scale war would start. But on February 24, 2022, at 4am, we were woken up by an alarm: the first explosions, airborne troops, confusion. We did not understand who was ours and who was the enemy. The beginning of the full-scale invasion found us in the south, in the Mykolaiv region.

Our commander told us: “There are no women in the army, there are only military.” 

In the army, I performed different tasks assigned by the command: logistics, supply, and other duties. I cannot say that there is gender equality in the army, even though more than 70,000 women are currently serving in the Armed Forces of Ukraine. At the training center, during preparation, our commander told us: “There are no women in the army, there are only military. No one will help you. You knew where you were going. You can rely only on yourself.”

As for equipment, there was no proper uniform for women soldiers until 2024. Now uniforms are provided, but there is still no body armour adapted to female anatomy.

Injury, diagnosis and consequences 

Once, when we were travelling through a war zone, there was an air raid alert. As per the safety protocol, we dropped to the ground. At that moment, I was injured by my body armour. I had a large bruise on one breast, but I did not pay attention to it.

Later, I got sick, had a strong cough, and was sent to the hospital. After long treatment, I had to pass a medical commission to confirm my ability for further service. During a breast examination, I was diagnosed with breast intraductal papillomas. It is not cancer, but in many cases it can become malignant. Officially, it is a precancerous condition. The doctor explained that there wasn’t any treatment and recommended surgery.

I went through several surgeries because of complications. As a result, I had my mammary glands fully removed. Before the operation, the doctor spoke with my husband and explained the consequences. My husband said his priority was for me to stay alive.

After the surgeries and treatment, I had to fight to obtain disability status.

Step by step, I achieved justice

At first, the medical commission refused to grant me disability status, even though my illness had officially been recognized as related to military service, since the injury was caused by standard body armour. One doctor even said the decision to remove breasts was mine and there were no medical reasons for that. It was outrageous. But step by step, I achieved justice. That doctor no longer works there.

I have a lifelong disability now. There are still limitations: I cannot, stay in the sun for a long time, raise my arms high, or overwork. I also need constant medical check-ups and health monitoring.

©Oleksandr Khomenko/Amnesty International

I want real changes, not just on paper 

However, I could not sit at home and feel sorry for myself for long. After a few months of rehabilitation, I returned to work and became a veteran support specialist in my community.

I use my law degree to help veterans, families of the fallen and missing military. This includes restoring lost documents, communicating with military units, and arranging legal payments. I want to help people because I have been through this myself. I understand the challenges that veterans and active military face today. Many of them simply do not know how to deal with bureaucracy.

Alongside my work as a specialist, I also help people re-integrate into everyday life through a programme called TRIBE, run by Amnesty International Ukraine and Amnesty International Denmark. TRIBE helps veterans build a supportive community, learn to advocate for their rights, and helps bridge the gap between civilians and people with combat experience.

I use my law degree to help veterans, families of the fallen and missing military

I share my experience with project participants, particularly on legal matters. I also provide individual consultations, including on issues such as obtaining disability status. I write media columns, speak publicly, and advocate for the rights of women in the military and for adequate conditions and support after discharge.

Moving forward 

At the moment, I am advocating for proper body armour for women and for a state programme for breast implants. Thanks to my advocacy work, which lasted at least four months, a state programme on reconstructive surgery and breast endoprosthetics for servicewomen and women veterans was approved in April 2026. Its official launch is currently expected. According to the doctors, for every 10 women from the military who come in for general check-ups, nine of them will have problems. It is a very sad statistic. For now, though, I tell all my friends, especially military women: “Girls, please get regular check-ups. You may not even feel that you are being injured.” 

Now that my story has become public, the issue has reached the state level and it is an ongoing process with the Ministry of Veterans Affairs and the Ministry of Health. 

For me, the most important thing is that real changes happen, not just empty words on paper.  

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Malaiyaha Tamils working on private tea estates and smallholdings in Sri Lanka are being subjected to abuses that meet many of the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) indicators of forced labour, while being denied access to the country’s strict labour protections, Amnesty International said in a new report.

The research, which documents the plight of workers in Sri Lanka’s Southern Province, found that members of the marginalized Malaiyaha Tamil community suffered multiple and widespread forms of abuse including intimidation and threats, physical violence and harassment, debt bondage, restrictions on movement, and poor working and living conditions.

The report found that, in addition to its failure to address these labour abuses, the state is failing in its duty to ensure workers’ rights to social security, unionization, and access to justice. As an ILO member and party to 44 of its conventions, as well as UN human rights treaties such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Sri Lanka is obliged to ensure that workers are protected from discrimination and labour and human rights abuses.

“Private tea estates in Sri Lanka are systematically violating labour laws in their treatment of Malaiyaha Tamil workers with no accountability. Across the sites we visited, workers reported a consistent pattern of discrimination and abuse, including violence, debt bondage, withheld wages, and poor living and working conditions, raising serious concerns about forced labour. The persistence of these abuses despite existing legal safeguards reflects a serious failure of the state to enforce labour protections and safeguard workers’ rights,” said Smriti Singh, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for South Asia.

Private tea estates in Sri Lanka are systematically violating labour laws in their treatment of Malaiyaha Tamil workers

Smriti Singh, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for South Asia

“Sri Lanka’s obligation to eradicate the use of forced labour is clear – both under domestic and international law including as a member of the ILO. The authorities must urgently prioritize inspecting these estates to determine the extent of labour rights abuses. This should be followed by thorough investigations, prosecutions of those responsible and meaningful remedies for workers.”

The report is based on research conducted by Amnesty International between January 2024 and January 2026. Amnesty International visited 45 estates in Galle and Matara districts in the Southern part of Sri Lanka and conducted 159 interviews with workers along with interviews of two estate managers and three supervisors. Fifteen focus group discussions were also held with 65 workers.

Longstanding concerns over forced labour and other abuses continue

Malaiyaha Tamils – descendants from workers brought to Sri Lanka from the southern part of India by British colonizers in the early 19th century to work on tea plantations – have long experienced systemic and structural racial discrimination and exclusion, which have made them vulnerable to forced labour. 

To date, they are heavily dependent on their employers for their livelihoods, accommodation and welfare, which leaves them unable to challenge poor living and working conditions and labour law abuses.

On all 45 estates visited, workers said that they relied on their employer for housing and lived in fear of forced eviction.

Workers on 15 estates told Amnesty International that they had been subjected to or had witnessed verbal and/or physical abuse by estate managers for being late for work, enquiring about unpaid salary and other issues.

One worker said: “If you don’t work [and meet the targets], they tend to beat you… They’ll hit with their hands and legs, and with sticks. They’ve hit some people so badly you can’t bear to look. It’s still happening.”

The research found that estate managers often cited spurious reasons for withholding pay based often on unrealistic targets, forcing workers to rely on wage advances and loans to meet basic needs, putting them in even more debt.

Out of the 45 estates visited, 27 reportedly demanded that workers pick over 25kg of tea per day. Failure to meet these unrealistic targets would result in wages of as little as LKR 1,000 (US$3.10) per day, being docked or delayed.

One worker, Subramaniam, said: “If we do not finish the assigned work, they count three days of work as one day’s work. If we finish the work, they pay LKR 1,000 (US$3.10).”

Such tactics result in a cycle of increasing debt to estate owners that may amount to debt bondage – a form of forced labour that can result in workers being tied to employers across generations.

Workers on at least 22 estates described restrictions on their freedom of movement, including curfews and requiring approval to travel. Their living conditions also failed to meet key elements constituting the right to adequate housing, including lack of security of tenure, sufficient space and adequate sanitation.

Labour protections denied

These abuses are compounded by the fact that that the labour protections enshrined in domestic laware not being enforced by the state and cannot be accessed by Malaiyaha Tamil tea estate workers.

The exploitation of Malaiyaha Tamil workers is being enabled by entrenched discrimination, extreme marginalization, and systematic mischaracterization of their status

Smriti Singh

Employers on private estates and smallholdings exploitatively misclassify Malaiyaha Tamil workers as “casual workers”, denying them all labour-related legal entitlements and basic statutory benefits. Few receive maternity benefits, pension and sickness leave. 

Malaiyaha Tamil workers face challenges to accessing justice, particularly remedies for abuses and poor working conditions. These include a language gap as state authorities that could offer protection do not typically speak Malaiyaha Tamil, discriminatory treatment by state officials, and lack access to employment documentation. Trade union representation is often entirely absent or prohibited by their employers – the estates visited during the research did not have unions operating.

The research also found significant failings in labour inspections and enforcement of employment standards at tea estates in the Matara and Galle districts. 

“The exploitation of Malaiyaha Tamil workers is being enabled by entrenched discrimination, extreme marginalization, and systematic mischaracterization of their status that deprives them of the protection of the law,” said Smriti Singh. “We urge the authorities to fully enforce the law, dismantle the barriers preventing the Malaiyaha Tamil community from accessing their rights, and strengthen labour protections and accountability across private tea estates.”

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Responding to the charges brought against detained Ekattor Television journalists Farzana Rupa and Mozammel Haque by the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), reportedly in relation to a ‘misleading’ report on the deadly crackdown on protesters at the Shapla Square in May 2013, Smriti Singh, South Asia Regional Director of Amnesty International said:

“Freedom of expression extends to information which some may find offensive, shocking or disturbing. Respect for this right is essential to ensuring healthy public discourse in a rights respecting society. Journalists must not be targeted for opinions which are disagreeable, or their perceived links to political parties.

“Farzana Rupa and Mozammel Haque, who are already in detention, now face vague new charges relating to a story that was aired more than a decade ago. Their arrest in a case related to crimes against humanity is an afront to fundamental principles of press freedom and sets a dangerous precedent that threatens the right of all journalists to report without fear of retaliation.

Their arrest in a case related to crimes against humanity is an afront to fundamental principles of press freedom

Smriti Singh, South Asia Regional Director of Amnesty International

“Moreover, the Tribunal has been blighted by serious fair trial and due process concerns, as well as for meting out the death penalty, which Amnesty International opposes in all cases.

“Bangladeshi authorities must drop all charges against them related to their work as journalists and ensure the respect and protection of the right to freedom of expression including media freedom, in line with their international human rights obligations.”

Background

Farzana Rupa is Ekattor Television’s chief reporter and Mozammel Haque is its managing director. According to media reports, the charges against the two, brought on 7 March, relate to their reporting of the deadly crackdown during the Saphala Square protests in May 2013 on members of Hefazat-e-Islam, a conservative religious movement in Bangladesh. Media reports stated the prosecutor alleged the TV channel aired a ‘misleading’ report, implying there were no casualties, to distract the public from the actual death toll.

On 5 May 2013, approximately 200,000 Hefazaat protesters were met with brutal repression by security forces. The Shapla Square death toll has long been contested. Both journalists were already in pretrial detention on charges relating to the 2024 July protests. Farzana Rupa has been in pretrial detention since August 2024 and faces nine murder charges. Mozammel Haque has been in pretrial detention since September 2024 and faces five charges – four for murder and one for extortion. All of the murder cases contain multiple accused named in the First Information Report (FIR), with some cases having over 200 alleged perpetrators.

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In the occupied Gaza Strip, Palestinian healthcare workers have been facing unprecedented dangers, with many detained under conditions that violate international humanitarian law. Amnesty International continues to document these systemic abuses, including Israel’s widespread use of torture and other ill-treatment against Palestinian detainees, while demanding the immediate and unconditional release of all those arbitrarily detained. Below, Dr. Ahmad Mhanna, former director of Al-Awda Hospital in northern Gaza, shares his harrowing testimony of survival.

In the occupied Gaza Strip, Palestinian healthcare workers have been facing unprecedented dangers, with many detained under conditions that violate international humanitarian law. Amnesty International continues to document these systemic abuses, including Israel’s widespread use of torture and other ill-treatment against Palestinian detainees, while demanding the immediate and unconditional release of all those arbitrarily detained. Below, Dr. Ahmad Mhanna, former director of Al-Awda Hospital in northern Gaza, shares his harrowing testimony of survival.

At around 4 pm on 16 December 2023, the Israeli military raided Al-Awda Hospital in Jabalia refugee camp. They handcuffed and blindfolded me before taking me to a house a short distance away while I was still wearing my surgical scrubs. I was left on a stairwell overnight, restrained the entire time.

At no point did the soldiers question me. In the middle of the night, the building began shaking violently from the sound of a nearby bulldozer. The dust was stifling, and I feared the house would collapse on me before the machine finally moved away.

By 8 am the following day, they had removed my restraints. A soldier ordered me back to the hospital, threatening: “If you refuse to cooperate, the gun will speak.” I told him we had nothing to hide; my priority was the safety of my patients.

We underwent the tashrifa (reception)—a ritual of beatings and humiliation where boiling water was thrown on us.

Dr. Ahmad Mhanna

I was forced to provide a list of everyone in the facility and to call out the names of all males between 16 and 60 for interrogation. They were ordered to strip down to their underwear in the extreme cold. Among those arrested was a patient with an amputated leg and several of my colleagues. Just when I thought it was over, a soldier gestured to me and said: “My colleagues in Tel Aviv want to have a drink with you.” I knew then I was being arrested indefinitely.

The journey into detention

We were transferred by truck through the Erez crossing. When soldiers noticed I had not been blindfolded, they violently punched me in the chest and restored the restraints, ordering me to keep my head down.

Upon arrival at the first facility, we were taken to the “disco room”. The floor was bare stone covered only by a yoga mat. A ventilator blasted cold air, and extremely loud Israeli music played continuously for 24 hours to deliberately deprive us of sleep.

During my first interrogations, which lasted hours, I was accused of providing medical treatment to fighters. A soldier identifying as a general, dissatisfied with my answers, threatened me with further violence. The interrogators beat and cursed me, threatening to break my bones.

We were then moved to Sde Teiman (an Israeli military base that doubles as a detention centre), where an interrogator threatened to harm my wife and daughters. Throughout those 24 days, I never appeared before a judge. At one point we were transferred to Al-Kallaba (the dog kennel), where my handcuffs were never removed as guards unleashed dogs on us – I vividly remember the weight of a dog lying directly on my back.

Engineered cruelty

Eventually, I was transferred to the Negev/Naqab (Ketziot) detention centre. We underwent the tashrifa (reception)—a ritual of beatings and humiliation where boiling water was thrown on us. I was held in this tented facility for one year and two months, with most of us sleeping on the floor.

The first time I appeared before a judge was three months into my detention, via a brief laptop video call. I was told I was being held on “secret evidence” under the Unlawful Combatants Law. Ironically, I was accused of affiliation with Hamas in one hearing and the PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine) in the next. My only real crime was being a doctor.

In detention, hunger was engineered. It was designed to strip us of our humanity, reducing us to mere survival. The food was dirty, meagre, and sometimes mixed with cigarette ash. If guards discovered saved scraps, the entire cell was punished.

Hygiene was nonexistent. No soap, no toothbrushes, and no showers for six months led to widespread scabies. During those six months, we were not allowed to change our clothes. Two detainees died before my eyes. One died of ascites. I pleaded with the guards to bring antibiotics, telling them we could save him. The guard replied: “You are not a doctor here; you are a terrorist.”

A return to dignity

The first time a lawyer visited was seven months after my arrest; until then, my family did not know if I was alive. She told me my wife, Alaa, had left no stone unturned searching for me. That news made me feel human again.

Conditions remained severely overcrowded, with 40 people packed into a 50-square-metre tent. Finally, on 11 October 2025 the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) visited and informed me I was on a list of people who were to be released. They mentioned providing a “dignity kit.” To hear the word dignity after months of being treated like an animal was overwhelming.

I was released on a Monday and arrived at Nasser Hospital at 6 pm, where my colleagues welcomed me. Physically, I was exhausted and had lost 28 kilogrammes. I learned that Al-Awda Hospital was severely damaged and remains inaccessible behind the military’s “Yellow Line.”

The struggle continues through insomnia, anxiety, and trauma. However, despite everything, I still want to work. I was a doctor when they took me, and I am a doctor now that I have returned. My commitment to my patients remains the one thing they could not take away.

_________

/

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