Iran’s highest military body instructed the commanders of armed forces in all provinces to “severely confront” protesters who took to the streets following the death in custody of Mahsa Amini at the hands of Iran’s morality police, Amnesty International said today after obtaining leaked official documents which revealed the authorities’ plan to systematically crush the protests at any cost. The crackdown has left at least 52 identified victims dead and hundreds injured to date.

In a detailed analysis issued today, Amnesty International divulges evidence of the Iranian authorities’ plot to brutally crush the demonstrations by deploying the Revolutionary Guards, the Basij paramilitary force, the Law Enforcement Command of the Islamic Republic of Iran, riot police, and plainclothes security agents. The organization also shares evidence of the widespread use of lethal force and firearms by Iranian security forces who either intended to kill protesters or should have known with a reasonable degree of certainty that their use of firearms would result in deaths.

“The Iranian authorities knowingly decided to harm or kill people who took to the streets to express their anger at decades of repression and injustice. Amid an epidemic of systemic impunity that has long prevailed in Iran, dozens of men, women and children have been unlawfully killed in the latest round of bloodshed,” said Agnes Callamard, Amnesty International’s Secretary General.

“Without determined collective action by the international community, which needs to go beyond mere statements of condemnation, countless more face being killed, maimed, tortured, sexually assaulted or thrown behind bars solely for their participation in protests. Leaked documents obtained by Amnesty International bring into sharp focus the need for an international independent investigative and accountability mechanism.”

Based on eyewitness accounts and audio-visual evidence reviewed by Amnesty International, none of the 52 identified victims posed any imminent threat of death or serious injury that could warrant the use of firearms against them.

State denial and coverup after a week of unlawful killings

Amnesty International has obtained a leaked copy of an official document which states that, on 21 September 2022, the General Headquarters of Armed Forces issued an order to commanders in all provinces instructing them to “severely confront troublemakers and anti-revolutionaries”. Later that evening, the use of lethal force across the country escalated with dozens of men, women and children killed that night alone.

The Iranian authorities knowingly decided to harm or kill people who took to the streets to express their anger at decades of repression and injustice.

Agnes Callamard, Amnesty International

Another leaked document shows that, on 23 September, the commander of the armed forces in Mazandaran province ordered security forces in all towns and cities in the province to “confront mercilessly, going as far as causing deaths, any unrest by rioters and anti-Revolutionaries”.

Amnesty International has so far recorded the names of 52 people, including five women and at least five children, killed by Iran’s security forces between 19 September and 25 September. Two thirds of the recorded deaths (at least 34) are from 21 September. The organization believes the real death toll is far higher and is continuing its efforts to identify victims.

Amnesty International has reviewed photos and videos showing that most victims were killed by security forces firing live ammunition. At least three men and two women were killed due to security forces firing metal pellets at close range, while a 16-year-old girl Sarina Esmailzadeh died after being severely beaten in the head with batons.

In an attempt to absolve themselves of responsibility for the deaths, the Iranian authorities have shared false narratives about victims, attempting to portray them as “dangerous”, “violent individuals” or claiming that they had been killed by “rioters”. The authorities have been also intimidating and harassing victims’ families into silence or promising them financial compensation if they recorded videos attributing responsibility of their loved ones’ deaths to “rioters” working for “enemies” of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Protesters tortured and otherwise ill-treated

Amnesty International has documented widespread patterns of torture and other ill-treatment by security forces, including severe beatings of protesters and bystanders. The organization has also documented sexual assault and other forms of gender-based and sexual violence, including cases where security forces grabbed women’s breasts or violently pulled their hair after they removed their headscarves in protest.

On 28 September, a protester from Esfahan told Amnesty International: “I have seen protesters beaten. The night before, my friends recounted how they saw one woman [protester] was yanked from her hair along the ground. Her clothes were coming off her body and the security forces kept pulling her by the hair…”

“Two nights ago”, the protester added, “several of my friends were beaten with batons. One of them, who has now got bruises on her forearm and legs, told me that security forces cornered them in an alley and beat them with batons. One member of the security forces then said, ‘let’s also shoot them in the leg’ and another security agent said, ‘no, let’s go’. They are so brutal”.

Amnesty International has seen footage and reports suggesting that some protesters have engaged in acts of violence. However, Amnesty International stresses that violent acts by a minority of protesters do not justify the use of lethal force.

According to international human rights law and standards, even if some protesters engage in violence, law enforcement officials must ensure that those who remain peaceful can continue protesting without facing undue interference or intimidation by security forces. Any force used in response to such violence must at all times comply with the principles of legality, necessity and proportionality in accordance with international law. Security forces must not use firearms except to defend themselves or others against an imminent threat of death or serious injury, and only when less extreme and harmful means are insufficient to protect life.

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• The investigations must keep the families of the disappeared students as their central focus in the interests of transparency, due process of justice and their right to truth and remembrance

• There can be no setbacks allowed in the investigation into the Ayotzinapa case which has been the cause of so much suffering for the families and for Mexican society, and which has highlighted the structural deficiencies of the Mexican state that lead to impunity and oblivion

• Accusations against members of the military reinforce concerns over policy to militarize public security in the country

Amnesty International expresses grave concern over the recent events that have taken place in relation to the investigation into the disappearance of the 43 students from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Training College. The resignation of the head of the Special Investigation and Litigation Unit for the Ayotzinapa Case (UEILCA), due to visible conflicts between the Unit and the Attorney General’s Office (FGR), puts the progress achieved at risk and threatens to further delay the families’ access to truth, justice, and remembrance.

The serious differences between the different authorities must be resolved in order to avoid perpetuating impunity in this case which is so emblematic for Mexico

Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas director at Amnesty International

UEILCA prosecutor Omar Gómez Trejo resigned on 27 September 2022, condemning undue interference in the investigation after it was made public that the FGR withdrew 21 arrest warrants requested, 16 of which were against military personnel accused of having participated in the events of eight years ago.

“The problems that have arisen leave the families of the missing students, and Mexican society in general, in a situation of total uncertainty. The serious differences between the different authorities must be resolved in order to avoid perpetuating impunity in this case which is so emblematic for Mexico. It is also imperative that the students’ families be kept fully informed and at the centre of the decision-making process, not only in terms of the transparency that must be maintained, but also to guarantee their right to the truth and to full reparation for the enormous damages they have suffered over the last eight years,” said Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas director at Amnesty International.

“We cannot tolerate any further setbacks in the investigation. The Mexican state must create the conditions necessary to progress with investigations, respect the autonomy and independence of the work of the Special Investigation Unit, and ensure that it has the necessary human and material resources to carry out its work. In addition, it must guarantee due process in order to avoid any error that could prevent legal proceedings from progressing and could jeopardise the right to justice and the punishment of those responsible for this atrocious crime,” said Edith Olivares Ferreto, executive director at Amnesty International Mexico.

Progress and setbacks

This 26 September marked eight years since the disappearance of the 43 students from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Training College, yet to this day the families have still been unable to find out the truth of what happened and to access justice.

In the last four years, the Mexican state has made various efforts to shed light on what happened to the 43 students from the Isidro Burgos Rural Training College such as the creation of the Commission for Truth and Access to Justice in the Ayotzinapa Case (Covaj-Ayotzinapa) and the UEILCA, under the FGR.

Recently, Covaj-Ayotzinapa unveiled significant advances in the case, such as the acknowledgement that the events in Iguala were a state crime, as well as the probable participation of the Mexican military in the disappearance of the students.

This is in addition to the revelations made at the end of September 2022 by the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) about communication between members of a criminal group and members of the army, navy, and local police in Iguala and Cocula before the disappearance of the young students.

These links, in addition to other events in which the Mexican military has been involved, raise questions about the appropriateness of the armed forces continuing to carry out public security tasks in the country, independently of other activities that are the direct responsibility of state institutions created specifically for this purpose.

The UEILCA has succeeded in arresting high-level authorities who could be responsible for the disappearances and has issued several arrest warrants against other authorities, including military personnel.

The conflicts between the UEILCA and the FGR were made public following the latter’s decision to cancel 21 of the 83 arrest warrants requested last August against former officials possibly involved in the disappearance of the 43 Ayotzinapa students. The information released also indicates the probable involvement of military forces in the disappearance of the students.

The advances in the investigation of the case were achieved thanks to the independence with which the UEILCA worked, in addition to the fact that it was made up of a team of people dedicated exclusively to the case, led by a prosecutor who was trusted by the students’ families, and was supported by the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI). Progress was also made in the case because care was taken in the way information was communicated so as not to affect any legal process and the due confidentiality that must be maintained in any type of legal investigation was respected.

Therefore, Amnesty International believes that state institutions must, as a matter of urgency, guarantee the autonomy and independence of the UEILCA and deal with the reported interference, as this, in addition to once again slowing down the investigation, serves to increase the anxiety and despair of the families of the 43 disappeared students facing constant stumbling blocks in the investigation, which increasingly delays access to the truth, justice and full reparation for the damages that we all yearn for. In addition, Amnesty International calls on the Mexican state not to retaliate against or criminalize the Special Prosecutor or the UEILCA officials who worked independently on the case.

Official figures show the close link between the increased presence of the armed forces in public security tasks and the increase in enforced disappearances in the country: 97% of the 105,000 cases of people disappeared in Mexico have been registered in the last 16 years.

We cannot tolerate any further setbacks in the investigation. The Mexican state must create the conditions necessary to progress with investigations, respect the autonomy and independence of the work of the Special Investigation Unit, and ensure that it has the necessary human and material resources to carry out its work

Edith Olivares Ferreto, executive director at Amnesty International Mexico

According to CNDH figures, from 2019 to 2022, 58 cases of enforced disappearance were reported, of which 55% were filed against military forces.

16 years after the establishment of a policy of militarization of public security in the country, the figures show that the human rights crisis is not abating.

Amnesty International also calls on the Mexican state to urgently develop and implement a plan for the orderly, progressive, and demonstrable withdrawal of military forces from public security tasks, with a view to ensuring non-repetition of events such as those that took place in Ayotzinapa.

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Facebook owner Meta’s dangerous algorithms and reckless pursuit of profit substantially contributed to the atrocities perpetrated by the Myanmar military against the Rohingya people in 2017, Amnesty International said in a new report published today.

The Social Atrocity: Meta and the right to remedy for the Rohingya,details how Meta knew or should have known that Facebook’s algorithmic systems were supercharging the spread of harmful anti-Rohingya content in Myanmar, but the company still failed to act.

“In 2017, the Rohingya were killed, tortured, raped, and displaced in the thousands as part of the Myanmar security forces’ campaign of ethnic cleansing. In the months and years leading up to the atrocities, Facebook’s algorithms were intensifying a storm of hatred against the Rohingya which contributed to real-world violence,” said Agnès Callamard, Amnesty International’s Secretary General.

Meta must be held to account. The company now has responsibility to provide reparations to all those who suffered the violent consequences of their reckless actions.

Agnès Callamard, Amnesty International Secretary General

“While the Myanmar military was committing crimes against humanity against the Rohingya, Meta was profiting from the echo chamber of hatred created by its hate-spiralling algorithms.

“Meta must be held to account. The company now has a responsibility to provide reparations to all those who suffered the violent consequences of their reckless actions.”

Sawyeddollah, a 21-year-old Rohingya refugee, told Amnesty International: “I saw a lot of horrible things on Facebook. And I just thought that the people who posted that were bad… Then I realized that it is not only these people – the posters – but Facebook is also responsible. Facebook is helping them by not taking care of their platform.”

The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim ethnic minority based in Myanmar’s northern Rakhine State. In August 2017, more than 700,000 Rohingya fled Rakhine when the Myanmar security forces launched a targeted campaign of widespread and systematic murder, rape and burningof homes. The violence followed decades of state-sponsored discrimination, persecution, and oppression against the Rohingya that amounts to apartheid.

© Tamara-Jade Kaz

An anti-Rohingya echo chamber

Meta uses engagement-based algorithmic systems to power Facebook’s news feed, ranking, recommendation and groups features, shaping what is seen on the platform. Meta profits when Facebook users stay on the platform as long as possible, by selling more targeted advertising. The display of inflammatory content – including that which advocates hatred, constituting incitement to violence, hostility and discrimination – is an effective way of keeping people on the platform longer. As such, the promotion and amplification of this type of content is key to the surveillance-based business model of Facebook.  

In the months and years prior to the crackdown, Facebook in Myanmar had become an echo chamber of anti-Rohingya content. Actors linked to the Myanmar military and radical Buddhist nationalist groups flooded the platform with anti-Muslim content, posting disinformation claiming there was going to be an impending Muslim takeover, and portraying the Rohingya as “invaders”.

In one post that was shared more than 1,000 times, a Muslim human rights defender was pictured and described as a “national traitor”. The comments left on the post included threatening and racist messages, including ‘He is a Muslim. Muslims are dogs and need to be shot’, and ‘Don’t leave him alive. Remove his whole race. Time is ticking’.

Content inciting violence and discrimination went to the very top of Myanmar’s military and civilian leadership. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the leader of Myanmar’s military, posted on his Facebook page in 2017: “We openly declare that absolutely, our country has no Rohingya race.” He went on to seize power in a coup in February 2021.

In July 2022, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that it has jurisdiction to proceed with a case against the Myanmar government under the Genocide Convention based on Myanmar’s treatment of the Rohingya. Amnesty International welcomes this vital step towards holding the Myanmar government to account and continues to call for senior members of the Myanmar military to be brought to justice for their role in crimes against the Rohingya.

In 2014, Meta attempted to support an anti-hate initiative known as ‘Panzagar’ or ‘flower speech’ by creating a sticker pack for Facebook users to post in response to content which advocated violence or discrimination. The stickers bore messages such as, ‘Think before you share’ and ‘Don’t be the cause of violence’.

However, activists soon noticed that the stickers were having unintended consequences. Facebook’s algorithms interpreted the use of these stickers as a sign that people were enjoying a post and began promoting them. Instead of diminishing the number of people who saw a post advocating hatred, the stickers actually made the posts more visible.

The UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar ultimately concluded that the “role of social media [was] significant” in the atrocities in a country where “Facebook is the Internet”.

Mohamed Showife, a Rohingya activist, said: “The Rohingya just dream of living in the same way as other people in this world… but you, Facebook, you destroyed our dream.”

The Rohingya just dream of living in the same way as other people in this world…but you, Facebook, you destroyed our dream.

Mohamed Showife, Rohingya community member

Facebook’s failure to act

The report details how Meta repeatedly failed to conduct appropriate human rights due diligence on its operations in Myanmar, despite its responsibility under international standards to do so.

Internal studies dating back to 2012 indicated that Meta knew its algorithms could result in serious real-world harms. In 2016, Meta’s own research clearly acknowledged that “our recommendation systems grow the problem” of extremism.

Meta received repeated communications and visits by local civil society activists between 2012 and 2017 when the company was warned that it risked contributing to extreme violence. In 2014, the Myanmar authorities even temporarily blocked Facebook because of the platform’s role in triggering an outbreak of ethnic violence in Mandalay. However, Meta repeatedly failed to heed the warnings, and also consistently failed to enforce its own policies on hate speech.

Amnesty International’s investigation includes analysis of new evidence from the ‘Facebook Papers’ – a cache of internal documents leaked by whistleblower Frances Haugen.

In one internal document dated August 2019, one Meta employee wrote: “We have evidence from a variety of sources that hate speech, divisive political speech, and misinformation on Facebook… are affecting societies around the world. We also have compelling evidence that our core product mechanics, such as virality, recommendations, and optimizing for engagement, are a significant part of why these types of speech flourish on the platform.”

Our recommendation systems grow the problem

Meta report, 2016

‘Meta must pay’

Amnesty International is today launching a new campaign calling for Meta Platforms, Inc. to meet the Rohingya’s demands for remediation.

Today marks the first anniversary of the murder of prominent activist Mohib Ullah, chair of the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights. Mohib was at the forefront of community efforts to hold Meta accountable.

Rohingya refugee groups have made direct requests to Meta to provide remedy by funding a USD $1 million education project in the refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. The funding request represents just 0.002% of Meta’s profits of $46.7 billion from 2021. In February 2021, Meta rejected the Rohingya community’s request, stating: “Facebook doesn’t directly engage in philanthropic activities.”

Showkutara, a 22-year-old Rohingya woman and youth activist, told Amnesty International: “Facebook must pay. If they do not, we will go to every court in the world. We will never give up in our struggle.”

There are at least three active complaints seeking remediation for the Rohingya from Meta. Civil legal proceedings were filed against the company in December 2021 in both the United Kingdom and the USA. Rohingya refugee youth groups have also filed an OECD case against Meta which is currently under consideration by the US’ OECD National Contact Point.

“Meta has a responsibility under international human rights standards to remediate the terrible harm suffered by the Rohingya that they contributed to. The findings should raise the alarm that Meta risks contributing to further serious human rights abuses, unless it makes fundamental changes to its business model and algorithms,” said Agnès Callamard.

“Urgent, wide-ranging reforms to their algorithmic systems to prevent abuses and increase transparency are desperately needed to ensure that Meta’s history with the Rohingya does not repeat itself elsewhere in the world, especially where ethnic violence is simmering.”

“Ultimately, States must now help to protect human rights by introducing and enforcing effective legislation to rein in surveillance-based business models across the technology sector. Big Tech has proven itself incapable of doing so when it has such enormous profits at stake.”

On 20 May 2022, Amnesty International wrote to Meta regarding the company’s actions in relation to its business activities in Myanmar before and during the 2017 atrocities. Meta responded that it could not provide information concerning the period leading up to 2017 because the company is “currently engaged in litigation proceedings in relation to related matters”.

On 14 June 2022, Amnesty International again wrote to Meta regarding the relevant allegations contained in the report, and to give the company the opportunity to respond. Meta declined to comment.

Facebook must pay. If they do not, we will go to every court in the world. We will never give up on our struggle.

Showkutara, Rohingya community member

Call on Meta to provide reparations to the Rohingya community

A refugee community is taking on a Silicon Valley tech giant. Ethnic Rohingya groups are calling for reparations for Facebook’s role in the atrocities in Myanmar. Sign the petition calling on Meta to take responsibility now.

act now

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Responding to Russia’s announcement of the “results” of the so-called “referenda” in the Ukrainian territories it occupies in the Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia regions, Denis Krivosheev, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia, said:

“There is no legitimacy whatsoever in the results of these sham “referenda” announced by the Russian authorities. It is absurd that the Russian authorities would think these so-called votes, which took place at gunpoint in the presence of Russian soldiers and their proxies, are in any way credible. The whole exercise, which is illegal under international law, is nothing more than another deplorable act in Russia’s strategy of aggression against Ukraine.”  

“The “referenda results” do not change the legal status under international law of the Ukrainian territories occupied by Russia, no matter what Russia chooses to declare next. As with Crimea, any moves towards annexation will be illegal, and constitute yet another flagrant violation of international law by Russia.

The “referenda results” do not change the legal status under international law of the Ukrainian territories occupied by Russia

Denis Krivosheev, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia

“Amnesty International reiterates its call on Russia to respect its obligations as the occupying power under international humanitarian law. We also call for the immediate cessation of all unlawful actions by Russia, including its war of aggression against Ukraine and accompanying human rights violations. All those responsible for crimes under international law, including war crimes, must face justice.”

Background

On Tuesday, the Russia-backed “administrations” of occupied Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions of Ukraine and the de facto authorities of the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk “People’s Republics” announced the results of the unlawful “referenda” on joining Russia. The organizers claimed very high turnout and majorities of between 87% to 99.2% in favour of joining Russia. This “voting” and any other measures by Russia or its proxies to change the status of occupied territory is a flagrant violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

The head of the Council of Federation (the Russian Parliament’s upper house), Valentina Matvienko, said the chamber – which is required to approve annexation under Russian law – may consider the formal incorporation of territories on 4 October.

The “referenda” were hastily arranged, taking place over five days with voting organized at so-called polling stations only on the last day, 27 September. Apart from the last day, “ballots” were collected from residents at their home by organizers who went door to door. According to reports in the media and on social media, “voting” at home and at polling stations was often carried out in the presence of heavily armed uniformed men.

Amnesty International has received reports of brutal reprisals by the occupying authorities against local people who displayed or were suspected of disloyalty to Russia and its occupying forces. These reprisals include abductions, unlawful deprivation of liberty and torture as well as unlawful killings. The organization has documented such cases in territories liberated by Ukrainian forces.

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The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) authorities must guarantee the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly, association and expression, Amnesty International said today on the second day of a new wave of demonstrations in the eastern DRC against the UN peacekeeping force, the ongoing state of siege, and the resurgence of the Movement of March 23 (M23) armed group.

Since imposing the state of siege in May 2021, demanding accountability from the DRC authorities in the two affected provinces has become particularly risky

Muleya Mwananyanda, Director for East and Southern Africa

Authorities have threatened to crush the latest protest in North Kivu province, which began on 26 September 2022 to denounce the ongoingoccupation of Bunagana in eastern DRC by the M23 armed group. Protesters are also demanding authorities lift the ongoing state of siege, and insisting on the withdrawal of a UN peacekeeping mission from the country. The Mayor of Goma, an army officer with three pending criminal complaints against him in relation to suppressing peaceful demonstrations, has called the organizers “troublemakers” and threatened them with arrest and prosecution.

“Since imposing the state of siege in May 2021, demanding accountability from the DRC authorities in the two affected provinces has become particularly risky. Dozens of critics of the state of siege have been arbitrarily detained, and sometimes prosecuted by military courts. Military authorities must stop using the state of siege as an excuse to clamp down on dissenting voices,” said Muleya Mwananyanda, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa.

President Tshisekedi must translate into action his repeated commitment to uphold human

Muleya Mwananyanda

“President Tshisekedi must translate into action his repeated commitment to uphold human rights. To protect civic space, he must order the lifting of blanket bans on protests imposed by governors and mayors across the country, including in the provinces under the state of siege.”

“Ahead of the 2023 elections, it’s essential that the government takes necessary measures to respect, protect and fulfil human rights, including freedom of association and peaceful assembly, in line with regional and international standards.” said Muleya Mwananyanda.

Amnesty International is calling on the DRC government to ensure all those responsible for unlawful acts committed in the repression of protests are held accountable, and victims receive justice.

Background

President Tshisekedi declared a state of siege (similar to a state of emergency) in eastern DRC’s provinces of North Kivu and Ituri in May 2021. He appointed military and police officers to replace civilian authorities and granted them extraordinary powers, including the power to restrict freedoms and prosecute civilians before military courts, in breach of international law and standards. The measure, meant to be short-lived, has since been extended around 30 times and is set to become permanent, despite its failure to help improve the security situation. On the contrary, armed groups have increased their activity in the region and the number of civilian casualties has more than doubled over the last year and half, as shown by Kivu Security Tracker data. Meanwhile, the state of siege has been used by the military and police authorities appointed and accountable to the President to silence criticism, including by arresting and imprisoning civil society and opposition activists, as Amnesty International has documented.   

Last week, civil society groups in North Kivu called on the population of Goma and other cities in the province to observe two days of “ville-morte” (dead town) on 26 and 27 September to protest the occupation of Bunagana town by M23 since June, which they say is backed by neighbouring Rwanda – a claim supported by a report of the UN Group of Experts in June – to demand the lifting of the state of siege, and the withdrawal of MONUSCO, the UN peacekeeping mission in the country.

DRC authorities have increasingly crushed dissent and arbitrarily detained civil society and opposition activists on trumped-up charges, dashing hopes that the human rights situation in the country would improve after former President Kabila stepped down in January 2019. Just two months ago, mass anti-UN protests in the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu turned violent, resulting in the deaths of 32 demonstrators and bystanders, and four UN peacekeepers. The investigations promised by the authorities and the UN into these incidents are yet to be concluded.

The right to protest is under threat across all regions of the world. Amnesty International’s new global campaign “Protect the Protest” is challenging attacks on peaceful protest, standing with those targeted and supporting the causes of social movements demanding human rights change.

When policing assemblies, security forces have an obligation to minimize harm and injury, preserve human life and exercise restraint in the use of force. Law enforcement officials should only use force where there is no other means of achieving their legitimate objectives, and when the use of force is necessary and proportionate to the situation they face. This role should always be carried out in a way that ensures full respect for the right to life, liberty, and security of all persons, including those suspected of committing a crime.

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