On 4 December 2025, before the Court of Appeal of Lesvos, Greece, Seán Binder will stand trial for his work as a volunteer rescuer helping people in distress and at risk of drowning at sea. Alongside 23 other defendants, he faces criminal charges including membership of a criminal organization, money laundering, and smuggling (facilitation of irregular entry) and risks up to 20 years in prison if convicted.
The trial comes at the end of a long judicial process which started in 2018 with Seán’s arrest and has left him in limbo ever since. The case has contributed to a climate of hostility and intimidation against civil society organizations and individuals assisting people – many fleeing persecution or other dire circumstances – arriving via unsafe and irregular routes to Greece.
Commenting ahead of the trial, Seán Binder said: “When I was first arrested in 2018, it was devastating to realize I was in prison for nothing more than trying to assist people who were at risk. However, what is really frightening is that if I can be prosecuted for doing only what is normal, then so can you. In fact, there are many other humanitarians across Europe facing similar intimidation and harassment, indicating that my case is part of a wider pattern of states criminalising humanitarian work. Solidarity is on trial in Greece. These tactics are being used to control migration and have had a chilling effect on civil society.”
Esther Major Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Research in Europe said: “Humanitarian workers like Seán Binder should never be prosecuted for showing compassion to people in dire need. Seán did what any of us would hope to do in his position: help people in danger in one of the deadliest sea routes in Europe. This is not just humane — it is lawful and necessary. It is farcical that this trial is happening at all the charges against Sean are baseless and should be dropped.”
Background
Seán Binder began volunteering for the search and rescue NGO ERCI on Lesvos in 2017 – a dangerous year for people crossing the Mediterranean with over 3,000 people reported dead or missing. He worked patrolling the Greek coastline, spotting rubber boats in distress and assisting people who made it to shore.
In 2018, the Greek authorities arrested Seán and detained him for more than 100 days before releasing him on bail in December 2018. The Greek authorities also brought criminal charges against 23 other defendants linked to the search and rescue NGO. Between 2023-2024, the misdemeanour charges of forgery, espionage, and unlawful use of radio frequencies, were dropped against Seán and other defendants. The more serious felony charges, at the core of the upcoming trial, have remained pending.
In a 2020 report covering the way in which several European countries criminalize solidarity towards migrants and refugees, Amnesty International examined and criticized the charges against Seán. The organization has consistently called on the Greek authorities to drop the charges as they are unfounded, based on a wrong and abusive interpretation of anti-smuggling legislative provisions, and not backed by the evidence presented by the prosecutors.
Amnesty International representatives will be present at Seán’s trial and spokespeople are available on request.
In response to the passing of the first reading of a controversial new amendment to the Israeli Penal Law making it mandatory for Israeli courts to impose the death penalty against individuals convicted of killing an Israeli “either intentionally or recklessly” if the act is motivated by “racism or hostility towards the public” and “committed with the objective of harming the state of Israel or the rebirth of the Jewish people”, Amnesty International’s Senior Director for Research, Advocacy, Policy and Campaigns, Erika Guevara Rosas, said:
“There is no sugarcoating this; a majority of 39 Israeli Knesset members approved in a first reading a bill that effectively mandates courts to impose the death penalty exclusively against Palestinians. While the text of the bill does not specifically single out Palestinians, the mental element required for the offence concerned signals its primary victims are going to be Palestinians and would include those who committed the punishable offences before the law is passed.
“Knesset members should be working to abolish the death penalty, not broadening its application. The death penalty is the ultimate cruel, inhuman, and degrading punishment, and an irreversible denial of the right to life. It should not be imposed in any circumstances, let alone weaponized as a blatantly discriminatory tool of state-sanctioned killing, domination and oppression. Its mandatory imposition and retroactive application would violate clear prohibitions set out under international human rights law and standards on the use of this punishment.
The death penalty is the ultimate cruel, inhuman, and degrading punishment, and an irreversible denial of the right to life. It should not be imposed in any circumstances, let alone weaponized as a blatantly discriminatory tool of state-sanctioned killing, domination and oppression.
Erika Guevara Rosas, Amnesty International
“The shift towards requiring courts to impose the death penalty against Palestinians is a dangerous and dramatic step backwards and a product of ongoing impunity for Israel’s system of apartheid and its genocide in Gaza. It did not occur in a vacuum. It comes in the context of a drastic increase in the number of unlawful killings of Palestinians, including acts that amount to extrajudicial executions, over the last decade, and a horrific rise of deaths in custody of Palestinians since October 2023. Not only have such acts been greeted with near-total impunity but with legitimacy and support and, at times, glorification. It also comes amidst a climate of incitement to violence against Palestinians as evidenced by the surge in state-backed settler attacks in the occupied West Bank.
“It is additionally concerning that the law authorizes military courts to impose death sentences on civilians, that cannot be commuted, particularly given the unfair nature of the trials held by these courts which have a conviction rate of over 99% for Palestinian defendants.
“On paper, Israeli law has traditionally restricted the use of the death penalty for exceptional crimes, like genocide and crimes against humanity, and the last court-ordered execution was carried out in 1962.
“If approved, this bill will not only set Israel against the global trend towards abolishing the use of the death penalty, but also the stated goal of abolition enshrined in a key international treaty ratified by the country in 1991.
“The bill’s stipulation that courts should impose the death penalty on individuals convicted of nationally-motivated murder with the intent of ‘harming the state of Israel or the rebirth of the Jewish people’ is yet another blatant manifestation of Israel’s institutionalized discrimination against Palestinians, a key pillar of Israel’s apartheid system, in law and in practice.
“The international community must exert maximum pressure on the Israeli government to immediately scrap this bill and dismantle all laws and practices that contribute to the system of apartheid against Palestinians. Israeli authorities must ensure Palestinian prisoners and detainees are treated in line with international law, including the prohibition against torture and other ill-treatment, and are provided with fair trial guarantees. They must also take concrete steps towards abolishing the death penalty for all crimes and all people.”
The first reading of the bill passed by 39 votes to 16. Amnesty International opposes the death penalty in all cases without exception, regardless of the crime, the guilt, innocence, or other characteristics of the individual, or the method used. As of today, 113 countries have abolished the death penalty for all crimes, including seven since 2020.
A conversation with Prisoner of Conscience Osman Kavala, by Amnesty International Türkiye’s Günal Kurşun
A few weeks ago, as we approached the sombre milestone of Osman Kavala’s eighth year of unjust imprisonment, I visited him in the high security wing of Istanbul’s infamous jail, colloquially known as “the Silivri dungeon”.
Sitting in the room reserved for lawyers’ visits, I sat face-to-face to Osman Kavala. We looked at each other through a thick pane of glass, rusted around its metal edges.
I began by passing on greetings from many individual human rights defenders, together with collective greetings from colleagues at many civil society organizations.
“Please convey my greetings to everyone,” replied Kavala, clear and resolute.
And so began a conversation that would flow like water across the space between us.
Kavala remains hopeful about Türkiye’s future; he believes that law and the public conscience will, sooner or later, find their way to the truth. For his own future, however, he is less optimistic: “It is hard to expect any change for me in the near future,” he says.
In the stillness of that room, two sentiments hang side by side—hope for his country and a quiet hopelessness about the prospect of his own freedom.
To be a bystander to this injustice and oppression makes us feel that not only Osman Kavala, but all of us, are prisoners
During my visit, the word “hope” circulated less as a private feeling than as a civic virtue. Kavala observed that diverse segments of society still show a will to live together; that young people’s ties with the wider world have not been severed; that the institutional ground of law, despite everything, has not been entirely razed; and Türkiye’s tradition of opposition has not been lost. Even through this prolonged darkness, a culture of solidarity has endured.
His view of his own situation is less positive.
“What I am facing is not a matter of one individual; it is a matter of the rule of law and the right to a fair trial. My personal freedom is, of course, important; but the core issue is the evidentiary standards on which judgments rest and the independence of the judiciary from political influence,” he tells me. “Keeping the legal debate within the language of law is the soundest contribution we can make to our shared future.”
On the prison system more broadly, he points out that compulsory transfers have “become a kind of torture for both the prisoners and their families… Even in the period following the 1980 coup, when physical torture was widespread, our judges were more independent than they are today.”
Osman Kavala was detained in 2017 and – despite a complete failure by prosecuting authorities to provide any evidence to substantiate the baseless charges laid against him – sentenced to aggravated life imprisonment without the possibility of parole. Despite two binding judgements by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ordering his immediate release, Türkiye’s highest court upheld the life sentence for Osman Kavala in September 2023. Two Constitutional Court applications he made following his conviction, and after it was upheld, are still pending a decision.
In 2022, Amnesty International named Osman Kavala a prisoner of conscience and made clear that each day he spends behind bars is an affront to the concept of justice and human rights, principles that the Turkish state has committed itself to upholding.
Three years on, Kavala remains deprived of his liberty. His case is widely regarded as a test of Türkiye’s obligations within the ECtHR system and an indictment of the system itself. The ongoing failure by Turkish authorites to give effect to clear and binding judgments speaks to the Turkish judiciary’s posture toward international legal obligations not just in Türkiye but for other Council of Europe member states too.
On Saturday, dozens of prominent figures from the fields of journalism, academia, civil society and politics (including former President Abdullah Gül) shared messages of solidarity with Osman Kavala on the anniversary of his imprisonment. Writer Orhan Pamuk wrote: “To be a bystander to this injustice and oppression makes us feel that not only Kavala, but all of us, are prisoners.”
We must keep pursuing the truth, insist on the language of law, and keep solidarity alive
Türkiye now faces a painfully slow infringement procedure for its failure to comply with the ECtHR judgment. In the meantime, Osman Kavala is deprived of his liberty, alone in a cell in the dungeon.
As we parted, Kavala expressed his belief that Türkiye will find its way through law, reason and dialogue; yet he is realistic about the timetable of his own freedom: “In prison, one learns time differently. I try to anchor hope not to calendar pages but to principles,” he tells me.
Key among these principles is the right to a fair trial, reasonable suspicion, proportionate measures and judicial independence. But in Türkiye today, these principles are being tested for everyone. Only correct decisions in critical cases today will translate into legal security for us all tomorrow.
Before Osman Kavala is led back to his cell, he asked me to send his greetings to all human rights defenders and to everyone dismissed by emergency decrees after the failed 2016 coup. His message is more than a greeting. It is a call to action. “We must keep pursuing the truth, insist on the language of law, and keep solidarity alive.”
Günal Kurşun Lawyer, Amnesty International Türkiye Board Member
An extended version of this article was first published here by Bianet
In response to the third time that Diana Loginova (aka Naoko) and Aleksandr Orlov, street music performers from the band Stoptime, are being held in administrative detention, Denis Krivosheev, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia, said:
“The repeated arrests of Naoko and her bandmates are punishment for their public performance which have become a breath of fresh air in a country gasping under repression and self-censorship.”
“Worse still, the authorities’ persistence in pursuing Naoko and her fellow musicians raises fears that they might be preparing criminal charges against them. Russian lawmakers have introduced so many repressive and vague laws that prosecuting someone for expressing anti-war views is little more than a technicality.”
“Authorities must immediately and unconditionally release Naoko and Aleksandr Orlov and other street musicians detained for acts of anti-war protest, simply exercising their right to freedom of expression. Their only ‘crime’ is singing songs that challenge the suffocating official narrative.”
Authorities must immediately and unconditionally release Naoko and Aleksandr Orlov and other street musicians detained for acts of anti-war protest, simply exercising their right to freedom of expression. Their only ‘crime’ is singing songs that challenge the suffocating official narrative
Denis Krivosheev, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia
Background
In October, videos of the street band Stoptime performing songs by exiled Russian musicians in Saint Petersburg went viral. Crowds joined in singing lyrics critical of the authorities, human rights violations and the war against Ukraine.
Police arrested the three band members – vocalist Diana Loginova (Naoko), guitarist Aleksandr Orlov and drummer Vladislav Leontyev – on 15 October, accusing them of “organizing a mass gathering that violated public order” (Article 20.2.2(1) of the Russian Code of Administrative Offences). Loginova and Leontyev were placed in so-called administrative detention for 13 days, and Orlov for 12 days. The court also fined Loginova 30,000 rubles (approximately US$ 370) for “discrediting the Russian armed forces” under Article 20.3.3 of the Code.
When their administrative detention expired on 27 and 28 October, police immediately re-arrested them under Article 20.2.2 for earlier performances, sentencing them to another 12–13 days. Naoko also received 13 days for “petty hooliganism” (Article 20.1 CAO) for allegedly using obscene language during one of her performances and a second fine for “discreditation.”
On 9–10 November, Orlov and Loginova were detained for the third time in a row as they left detention. The authorities have not disclosed the grounds for their new detention, continuing a pattern of “carousel arrests” – a practice used to prolong deprivation of liberty without filing criminal charges.
Their case sparked solidarity concerts across Russia. In Yekaterinburg, Evgeny Mikhailov was placed in administrative detention for 14 days for “petty hooliganism” for “shouting slogans and disturbing public order” and “discreditation of the Armed Forces.” In Perm, street musician Yekaterina Romanova (Ostasheva) received seven days of administrative detention for “refusal to undergo a drug test,” then another 15 days and 60 hours of community work for “disobeying the police.” Police also detained three performers in Saint Petersburg and one protester in Moscow, whose identities are not yet known.
Somali authorities and the international community have repeatedly failed to protect thousands of people from drought-affected communities in southern Somalia, exposing them to violations of their rights to food, water, family, health and life, Amnesty International said in a new report.
‘No rain, no food, no animals: The human rights impact of drought and displacement in Somalia’ documents how, between 2020 and 2023, climate change-related drought, coupled with conflict and marginalization, forced thousands of people to relocate to camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) initially in southern Somalia and then to Dadaab Refugee Camp in Kenya. During these arduous journeys, the Somali authorities failed to provide relief, including health services and food.
Somalia is on the frontline of human-induced climate change. As the seventh most climate-vulnerable country in the world, Somalia’s authorities, with the support of the international community, must urgently address the marginalization of communities in southern Somalia who are acutely impacted by global warming caused mainly by fossil fuel combustion
Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East and Southern Africa
“Somalia is on the frontline of human-induced climate change. As the seventh most climate-vulnerable country in the world, Somalia’s authorities, with the support of the international community, must urgently address the marginalization of communities in southern Somalia who are acutely impacted by global warming caused mainly by fossil fuel combustion, said Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East and Southern Africa region.
“Somalia’s contribution to global warming is negligible, yet its people are bearing the brunt of the climate crisis, while also facing long running conflict and poverty. High income countries, especially those most responsible for climate change, must step in and meet their obligations to support Somalia in adapting to the effects of climate change.”
The report is based on interviews carried out between September 2024 and March 2025, with 177 people displaced into Dadaab Refugee Camp. Amnesty also interviewed emergency service providers, humanitarian workers, government officials, and climate change experts who either work in Somalia or have knowledge and experience of the country’s vulnerabilities to drought and climate change.
“Everything dried up”
Persistent drought in southern Somalia since 2022, made worse by human induced climate change, has combined with several other factors such as continued conflict to drive mass displacement. With water sources drying up, people have been forced to drink contaminated water, fostering the spread of water-borne diseases including cholera. The scarcity of local health facilities forced people to travel up to 1000km for treatment.
Amnesty International
The drought also caused food prices to rise by up to 160% above pre-2020 levels across Somalia. This, coupled with depleted food stores, dry farmlands and reduced incomes, made food unavailable and inaccessible, resulting in rampant malnutrition and food insecurity, driving further displacement. The drought was eventually declared a national disaster in November, 2021.
Despite this growing health crisis, Somalia has failed to fulfil its human rights obligation to guarantee the rights of drought-affected individuals by not increasing its allocation to the health budget – which is currently less than 5% of overall government expenditure – to 15% as set out in the Abuja declaration, a commitment by African Union countries including Somalia to increase national health budgets.
“Limited resources and the ongoing conflict are not an excuse to neglect international obligations and necessary government action; Somalia erred by folding its hands. Having declared the drought a national disaster, authorities should have ensured there were enough resources to protect drought affected people, including by seeking extra international assistance,” said Tigere Chagutah.
Fadumo*, a 53-year-old mother of eight from Xabaalo Barbar in Baydhabo District, told Amnesty that after years of erratic rainfall and drought, she abandoned her farm and moved to an IDP camp in the capital Mogadishu because she had no food and water. The only available water, which was dirty and salty, was from a well 24 hours away on foot or donkey cart. After being unable to find work in Mogadishu, she moved to Dadaab.
Amnesty found that the Somali authorities failed to prevent family separation and the abandonment of children, older people and people with medical conditions during drought-induced displacement.
Bile*, a 33-year-old farmer and father of eight from Fargarow in Jilib, explained how his parents died after he had to move to Dadaab:
“When the drought came, everything dried up. I had eight children, a wife and my parents who were old and relied on me. So, when the drought came, we quickly finished the food that we had stored. I decided to move with my children and wife in 2023. However, since I was their only provider, my parents succumbed to the famine after I left them in Jilib.”
Due to the lack of early warning systems, floods also destroyed grains stored underground resulting in even greater food insecurity during the drought.
When the drought came, everything dried up. I had eight children, a wife and my parents who were old and relied on me. So, when the drought came, we quickly finished the food that we had stored. I decided to move with my children and wife in 2023. However, since I was their only provider, my parents succumbed to the famine after I left them in Jilib.
Bile*, a Somali farmer
“The Somali authorities must urgently come up with climate change resilience policies that also address the resulting loss and damage as witnessed among the most vulnerable communities in southern and central Somalia,” said Tigere Chagutah.
Multiple displacements
Many IDPs said they had been displaced more than once, initially into IDP camps or informal settlements within southern Somalia, where some government services were available and some NGOs were present. However, with many of these sites located in areas of high climate vulnerability, further displacements occurred due to drought or floods.
Amnesty International
As the number of IDPs in southern Somalia soared, humanitarian actors lacked adequate resources to address their needs, forcing IDPs to move to Dadaab.
The journey to Dadaab on the Somalia-Kenya border is long and arduous. Depending on the mode of transport it can take anywhere between two days to six weeks. Those with resources could board or hire vehicles. However, the fares are exorbitant and out of reach for many, with some families telling Amnesty International that they had to sell household items, livestock, grains or even land to afford fares.
Having declared the drought a national disaster, authorities should have ensured there were enough resources to protect drought affected people, including by seeking extra international assistance.
Tigere Chagutah
Services from humanitarian organizations and government departments along the transport routes were largely absent, with the limited assistance available appearing to be centralized around settlements and IDP camps and not along transport corridors. This is despite Somalia’s obligations under its constitution and international law, including under the Kampala Convention, to protect those displaced by climate change.
Abdullahi, who travelled from Saakow in Somalia to Dadaab, said:
“When we got to Dhobley, well-wishers picked 15 women and children and gave them a lift in their vehicle to Dadaab. The men were left behind to walk with the donkey carts. We carried sorghum [a type of grain] and water for the children, but they were extremely malnourished on arrival because what we had only lasted a few days.”
