Global-Affair.net

This month marks 60 years since the UN General Assembly adopted the International Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), one of the first foundational international human rights treaties. 

The way the story is often told is that Western countries gifted human rights to the world and are the sole guardians of it. It may come as a surprise for some, then, that the international legal framework for prohibiting racial discrimination largely owes its existence to the efforts of states from the Global South.

In 1963, in the midst of the decolonisation wave, a group of nine newly independent African states presented a resolution to the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) calling for the drafting of an international treaty on the elimination of racial discrimination. As the representative from Senegal observed: “Racial discrimination was still the rule in African colonial territories and in South Africa, and was not unknown in other parts of the world … The time had come to bring all States into that struggle.”

The groundbreaking ICERD was unanimously adopted by the UNGA two years later. The convention rejected any doctrine of superiority based on racial differentiation as “scientifically false, morally condemnable and socially unjust”.

So, what has happened since then?  

Today, as we mark 60 years since its adoption, millions of people around the world continue to face racial discrimination – whether in policing, migration policies or exploitative labour conditions.

In Brazil, Amnesty International documented how a deadly police operation in Rio de Janeiro’s favelas this October resulted in the massacre by security forces of more than 100 people, most of them Afro-Brazilians and living in poverty.

In Tunisia, we have seen how authorities have for the past three years used migration policies to carry out racially targeted arrests and detentions and mass expulsions of Black refugees and asylum seekers.

Meanwhile, in Saudi Arabia, Kenyan female domestic workers face racism and exploitation from their employers, enduring gruelling and abusive working conditions.

In the United States, diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives aimed at tackling systemic racism have been eliminated across federal agencies. Raids by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) targeting migrants and refugees are a horrifying feature of President Donald Trump’s mass deportation and detention agenda, rooted in white supremacist narratives.

Migrants held in detention centres have been subjected to torture and a pattern of deliberate neglect designed to dehumanise and punish.

Elsewhere, Amnesty International has documented how new digital technologies are automating and entrenching racism, while social media offers inadequately moderated forums for racist and xenophobic content. For example, our investigation into the United Kingdom’s Southport racist riots found that X’s design and policy choices created fertile ground for the inflammatory, racist narratives that resulted in the violent targeting of Muslims and migrants.

Even human rights defenders from the Global South face racial discrimination when they have to apply for visas to Global North countries in order to attend meetings where key decisions are made on human rights.

Haunting legacy of European colonialism 

All these instances of systemic racism have their roots in the legacies of European colonial domination and the racist ideologies on which they were built. This era, which spanned nearly four centuries and extended across six continents, saw atrocities that had historical consequences – from the erasure of Indigenous populations to the transatlantic slave trade.

The revival of anti-right movements globally has led to a resurgence of racist and xenophobic rhetoric, a scapegoating of migrants and refugees, and a retrenchment in anti-discrimination measures and protections.

All these instances of systemic racism have their roots in the legacies of European colonial domination and the racist ideologies on which they were built.

Melissa Hendrickse and Rym Khadhraoui.

At the same time, Western states have been all too willing to dismantle international law and institutions to legitimise Israel’s genocide against Palestinians in Gaza and shield Israeli authorities from justice and accountability.

Justice and reparations 

Just as the creation of the ICERD was driven by African states 60 years ago, Global South countries continue to be at the forefront of the fight against racial oppression, injustice and inequality. South Africa notably brought the case against Israel at the International Court of Justice and cofounded The Hague Group – a coalition of eight Global South states organising to hold Israel accountable for genocide.

On the reparations front, it is Caribbean and African states, alongside Indigenous peoples, Africans and people of African descent, that are leading the pursuit of justice. The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has been intensifying pressure on European governments to reckon with their colonial past, including during a recent visit to the United Kingdom by the CARICOM Reparations Commission.

As the African Union announced 2026-36 the Decade of Reparations last month, African leaders gathered in Algiers for the International Conference on the Crimes of Colonialism, at which they consolidated demands for the codification of colonialism as a crime under international law.

States still need to confront racism as a structural and systemic issue, and stop pretending slavery and colonialism are a thing of the past with no impact on our present.

Melissa Hendrickse and Rym Khadhraoui.

But this is not enough. States still need to confront racism as a structural and systemic issue, and stop pretending slavery and colonialism are a thing of the past with no impact on our present.

Across the world, people are resisting. In Brazil, last month, hundreds of thousands of Afro-Brazilian women led the March of Black Women for Reparations and Wellbeing against racist and gendered historic violence. In the US, people fought back against the wave of federal immigration raids this year, with thousands taking to the streets in Los Angeles to protest and residents of Chicago mobilising to protect migrant communities and businesses against ICE raids.

Governments need to listen to their people and fulfil their obligations under ICERD and national law to protect the marginalised and oppressed against discrimination.

We will not stop fighting for our voices to be heard and until racism really is a thing of the past,

This story was originally published in Al-Jazeera here.

The post 60 years ago, the world tried to outlaw racial discrimination. Global action is still needed appeared first on Amnesty International.

Preparations for this weekend’s first round of junta-imposed elections in Myanmar have resulted in unlawful attacks that may amount to war crimes as well as a drastic increase in arbitrary detentions and further crackdowns on freedom of expression, Amnesty International said today.

The military’s passage in July of the Law on the Protection of Multiparty Democratic General Elections criminalizes speaking out or inciting violence against the election or election workers. Jail sentences under the law range from three years to a maximum of life imprisonment or even the death penalty.

“This junta-organized election contrasts starkly with Myanmar’s nationwide democratic elections in 2015 and 2020. Whereas 2015 was a period of hope, promising peace and respect for human rights, the current era is one of hopelessness, where war crimes, arrests and surveillance are a feature of daily life,” said Joe Freeman, Amnesty International’s Myanmar Researcher.

“Many in Myanmar are opposed to this election because they fear it will leave the same people who have been unlawfully killing Myanmar civilians for five years in a position of entrenched power, outside the bounds of accountability and justice that they must face.”

Election law weaponized by military rulers

The junta has claimed its election law is designed to protect workers, equipment and the election process itself. But in the weeks leading up to the first round of voting on 28 December, the junta has weaponized it to intensify repressive tactics, homing in on criticism of any kind, even social media reactions, messages and posts.

In the months since the law was passed, at least 229 people have been charged under the law for “attempting to sabotage election processes,” according to military-controlled media.  Those detained include artists and people putting up anti-election stickers.

In September, a man in Myanmar’s Shan State was sentenced to seven years with hard labour for criticizing the election. In early December, a man was arrested near Yangon for a Facebook message condemning the vote, while another was arrested for damaging an election billboard. There are also reports of people in camps for Internally Displaced Persons being pressured to vote under threat of losing aid.

Out of a total of 330 townships nationwide, there are an estimated 56 under martial law throughout the country where no voting will take place, according to the UN human rights office. The winner of the previous elections in 2015 and in 2020, the National League for Democracy, has been dissolved and its leaders Aung San Suu Kyi, Win Myint and others remain detained.

In 2025, air strikes in Myanmar are on track to reach record levels compared to any year since the 2021 coup. In areas of armed conflict, where the junta is trying to gain control of places so as to hold voting there, attacks have also risen since the election date announcement. The UN said this month that these attacks “seem intentioned to regain key contested areas where elections have been announced to take place”.

In one such attack, Amnesty International documented a deadly manned paraglider bombing at a festival in central Myanmar, where people had also gathered to publicly demonstrate against the election. Civilians including children were killed after the motorized paragliders dropped mortars in the middle of a crowd. On 10 December, the military bombed a hospital held by the ethnic resistance organization, the Arakan Army, in Rakhine State’s Mrauk-U township. This continued a pattern of attacking hospitals, schools and other civilian infrastructure throughout the country since the coup.

Amnesty International calls on the international community to focus on the human rights abuses that are a feature of this election process and to prioritize accountability in Myanmar. It should refocus its attention on suspending jet fuel shipments to the country and on bringing suspected perpetrators to justice. Amnesty International also urges the International Criminal Court (ICC) to proceed with arrest warrants for Min Aung Hlaing, the senior general who is positioning himself to emerge as civilian leader after this election, as well as other Myanmar junta officials under the ICC’s investigation.

Background

After seizing power in a coup almost five years ago, the Myanmar junta – presently known as the State Security and Peace Commission – is now attempting to entrench its rule through the ballot box, with a first round of voting on 28 December, followed by additional rounds starting in January.

The staggered voting process is a result of the coup itself, as the military’s attempt to take full power on 1 February 2021 was met with nationwide resistance, leaving large parts of the country under the control of armed groups and pro-democracy forces. The military has killed at least 7,000 civilians since the coup. The true figure is likely much higher.

Increased hostilities between the Myanmar military and armed resistance groups have meant that many Rohingya and other marginalized groups have been caught in the crossfire, further eroding their rights.

The post Myanmar: Repressive tactics intensify before junta-imposed elections appeared first on Amnesty International.