Cameroon. Arbitrarily detained person dies of cholera in Douala, other detainees at risk

At least six inmates at the New Bell prison in Douala have died of cholera since 18 February last. The latest, Rodrigue Ndagueho Koufet, who died on 7 April, had been held in arbitrary detention since September 2020 for being involved in peaceful protests.

“The Cameroonian authorities must urgently take all necessary health measures to ensure that detainees suffering from cholera and other medical conditions have prompt access to adequate medical care,” said Samira Daoud, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for West and Central Africa.

The Cameroonian authorities must urgently take all necessary health measures to ensure that detainees suffering from cholera and other medical conditions have prompt access to adequate medical care.

Samira Daoud, Amnesty International's Regional Director for West and Central Africa

It has been confirmed that Rodrigue Ndagueho Koufet died of cholera on 7 April at Douala Hospital, where he was taken from the city’s central prison and chained to his hospital bed. According to the judgment, which we have seen, the Douala Military Court sentenced him to three years in prison and a 200,000 CFA franc fine on 7 December 2021 for ‘co-action of insurrection, gathering, meetings and public demonstrations’, having been arrested in September 2020 during peaceful protests of the Movement for the Rebirth of Cameroon (MRC). Others detained for the same reasons are also likely to be in a worrying health situation.

The authorities must also release all those arbitrarily detained, including detainees from the English-speaking regions and members of the main opposition party, the MRC, who have been arrested over the past five years for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.”

Background

At least six of the 10 regions of Cameroon are or have been affected by a cholera epidemic for several months. According to official data, 125 infections were recorded at Douala Central Prison between 21 and 31 March, where the overcrowding rate is said to be at least 300%.

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Peru: President Castillo must ensure proportionate use of force in response to social protests and prevent human rights violations

Following a rise in the cost of food, fuel, and fertilizers, sectors of society linked to transport and agriculture have organized demonstrations in several regions of the country since 28 March. In many cases, these protests have consisted of roadblocks.

On 5 April, the President suspended certain constitutional rights by means of a decree applicable in Lima and Callao and, in response, other sectors of the population organized new demonstrations. In addition, looting and acts of violence were reported in various parts of the country.

“We are highlighting the risk of possible unnecessary or disproportionate use of force by law enforcement officials against demonstrators in a context of heightened tension. Amnesty International has documented serious human rights violations in the past in the context of social protests in Peru,” said Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas Director at Amnesty International.

We are highlighting the risk of possible unnecessary or disproportionate use of force by law enforcement officials against demonstrators in a context of heightened tension. Amnesty International has documented serious human rights violations in the past in the context of social protests in Peru.

Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas Director at Amnesty International

“We call on President Castillo to guarantee strict adherence to the law by the security forces, as well as full respect for the norms of international law in all regions of the country, in order to avoid further loss of human life, harm to people’s physical integrity and possible escalation of this crisis.”

The media has reported that, in the context of the protests, at least two people have been fatally shot, four others have died in circumstances yet to be clarified and dozens more have been injured. According to official reports, at least 18 people have been detained in Lima in this context. Authorities have also reported that dozens of police officers have been injured and that several public buildings have been damaged. However, up-to-date official figures on the number of people killed, injured, and detained during the protests remain unclear.

Human rights organizations are reporting the disproportionate use of force by the National Police.

“We demand that the Peruvian State conduct thorough, immediate, and impartial investigations into allegations of human rights violations that may have been committed by the security forces, including fatal shootings in the context of the protests. Although the security forces have a duty to maintain public order, and for this purpose, they have the power to use force, if necessary, as a last resort and always in a proportionate manner, this function must be carried out with strict adherence to human rights. Using firearms to disperse demonstrations is unlawful; they should only be resorted to if the life of the officer concerned or a third party is at serious imminent risk,” said Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas Director at Amnesty International.

Today, the government published a new decree declaring a state of emergency on the National Road Network, suspending the rights to freedom of movement and assembly and security of the person for 30 days and giving the Armed Forces responsibility for maintaining internal order, in conjunction with the National Police.

“Attempts to unblock roads cannot be an excuse for excessive use of force. Our region has seen too many disastrous examples in this regard, including with the deployment of Armed Forces who have not been created or trained to police demonstrations,” said Guevara-Rosas.

Attempts to unblock roads cannot be an excuse for excessive use of force. Our region has seen too many disastrous examples in this regard, including with the deployment of Armed Forces who have not been created or trained to police demonstrations.

Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas Director at Amnesty International

Amnesty International notes that human rights standards protect peaceful protest and states that the fact that some groups or individuals use violence during a demonstration does not, per se, make the entire protest violent or authorize the security forces to disperse it with the use of force.

The United Nations Human Rights Committee has established that there is a presumption in favour of considering protests to be peaceful and if acts of violence do occur, law enforcement officials have an obligation to use as far as possible non-violent means before opting for the use of force, where absolutely necessary, as a last resort. Any use of force must be in accordance with the fundamental principles of legality, necessity, proportionality, precaution, and non-discrimination and those who use it must be held accountable. The excessive or disproportionate use of force breaches international human rights obligations and, in the event of a death, may constitute a violation of the right to life.

CONTEXT

On the night of 4 April, President Pedro Castillo announced that the suspension of constitutional rights under a state of emergency declared on 20 March had been extended in the provinces of Lima and Callao – where protests and looting had not taken place – including “the inviolability of the home, freedom of movement in the national territory, freedom of assembly and liberty and security of the person”, and the imposition of the “mandatory social immobilization of the entire population in their homes” from 2:00 am until 11:59 pm on 5 April. In the early hours of 5 April, the Ombudsperson’s Office demanded that the Executive Branch call an “immediately end to the social immobilization because it is unconstitutional” and did not comply with the principles of necessity and proportionality. This was based on the fact that the measure lacked “due motivation” and the failure to give “any reason to justify such a strict social immobilization” or state “in what way it will contribute to maintaining public order”.

For more information or to arrange an interview, please contact:

Carlos Mendoza (Amnesty International Americas): +52 55 4145 7003, carlos.mendoza@amnesty.org

Cecilia Niezen (Amnesty International, Peru): c.niezen@amnistia.org.pe

Read more:

Perú: Autoridades deben garantizar reparaciones integrales para víctimas de represión policial, [Peru: Authorities must ensure comprehensive reparations for victims of police repression], Research, 25 November 2020 (Spanish only)

Peru: Amnesty International documents excessive use of force by National Police, News 13 November 2020

Peru: Human rights cannot be sacrificed in the political crisis, Research, 10 November 2020

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My first hearing: a letter from Polish abortion activist Justyna

8 April 2022

I have a lump in my throat and a clenched stomach. I’m nervous, but who wouldn’t be. This is my first time as a defendant. I have a lot of worries about whether I will stay calm in court, whether I will cry out of nervousness.

I see myself in the pictures you share, I read all those beautiful words you write about me and I think – this is a matrix. This is not plausible. And I am incredibly grateful to you. I knew the pro-choice community was very supportive, but what’s happening is amazing.

I want to thank you enormously for that. For every private message, every phone call. Every public declaration of support or anonymously hung poster. Every message sent to friends, every interview read and comment made. Every Instagram Story and graphic and testimonial.

Thanks to you, I have the strength to face this matter. Thanks to you, I know that I am not alone.

Justyna

Thanks to you, I have the strength to face this matter. Thanks to you, I know that I am not alone.

It clogs the air in my lungs and squeezes tears in my eyes with emotion.

I apologise to you for not being able to see everything and for not replying to you straight away. It is difficult for me to face the situation that my photos are “everywhere”.

There are thousands of people #likejustyna, they don’t want to reveal themselves, because it’s not important. They help colleagues, sisters, friends and people they don’t know at all. They are simply there when someone needs support with their abortion. For which I sincerely thank them. We are strong because we are in this together.

The coming days will be difficult for me. The tension that accompanies is very high and I am not completely indifferent to it. However, I will stand before the court with peace in my heart.

I know that I have done the right thing, because supporting abortion is good if someone has also gained this peace of mind thanks to me.

Hugs,

Justyna Wydrzyńska.

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Morocco: Stop criminal investigations against human rights defenders over social media posts

Moroccan authorities have stepped up their harassment of human rights defenders and activists in the past two months, with at least four facing criminal investigations and prosecutions over social media posts critical of the authorities, Amnesty International said today.

Human rights defender Saida El Alami was arrested on 23 March and will appear before a Casablanca court on 8 April to face charges over posts in which she publicly denounced the harassment she faced at the hands of the police and criticized the authorities’ repression of journalists and activists.

“The Moroccan authorities are harassing and intimidating activists through unfounded criminal investigations and bogus charges in a shameless bid to silence critical voices and clamp down on peaceful activism,” said Amna Guellali, Deputy Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty International.

“We call on the authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Saida El Alami and drop all charges against her. The police must stop all interrogations and prosecutions of activists that stem solely from their exercise of the right to freedom of expression.”

Police forces also arrested blogger Mohamed Bouzlouf, who had expressed solidarity with El Alami on Facebook, on 26 March. A court in Ouarzazate sentenced him to two months in prison on 4 April. Two other activists, Abderrazak Boughanbour and Brahim Nafai, are being investigated and were summoned for interrogation over Facebook posts in which they called for protests and for a boycott of fuel, respectively. 

Saida El Alami is a vocal human rights activist and member of the collective “Femmes Marocaines Contre la Detention Politique”, which brings together women human rights defenders and denounces politically motivated detentions. On 23 March 2022, she received a summons from the National Judicial Police Brigade (BNPJ). After her interrogation, she was held in police custody for 48 hours before being taken to the Ain Sebaa first instance court in Casablanca. She did not have access to a lawyer while in police custody and for the first ten days of her imprisonment.

The prosecutor interrogated her over her social media posts, including a Facebook post from 22 March in which she criticized the Director-General of Morocco’s National Security Directorate (DGSN) and Director of the Surveillance Directorate (DGST) for sending officers to question her neighbours about her while she was out. In another Facebook post published on 20 January, which is also part of the prosecution, Alami slammed corruption in the judiciary.

The prosecutor charged her with “insulting a body regulated by law”, “insulting public officials while carrying out their duties”, “contempt of judicial decisions”, and “broadcasting and distributing false allegations without consent” under articles 265, 263, 266 and 2-477 of the Penal Code, respectively. One of El Alami’s lawyers, who asked not to be named for security reasons, told Amnesty International that the prosecutor refused their request to grant her release pending trial, without justification.

Under international human rights law, prohibiting insult or disrespect of state officials or public figures, the military or other public institutions is in violation of the right to freedom of expression. Moreover, as determined by the UN Human Rights Committee, public officials are required to tolerate a higher degree of scrutiny and criticism than private individuals. Laws criminalizing defamation, whether of public figures or private individuals, are a disproportionate restriction on the right to freedom of expression and therefore defamation is required to be treated as a matter for civil litigation.

Facebook on the police’s radar

On 8 March, police in Settat City summoned Brahim Nafai, a philosophy teacher and national secretary of the youth wing of the political party Annahj Addimocraty (The Democratic Way), over a Facebook post he shared in which he called for a boycott on buying fuel for three days. Facebook authorities suspended Nafai’s Facebook account on 8 March, after his post was signalled to them by unknown sources. When his friends helped him to regain access to his account several hours later, the post had been deleted. On 9 March, Nafai was interrogated by two police officers in the Settat police station for over three-and-a-half hours. He has not been informed of any follow-up about his case.

On 17 February 2022, following an order from the public prosecutor, the Moroccan police summoned Abderrazak Boughanbour, ex-president of the Moroccan League for the Defense of Human Rights (LMDDH) for interrogation. The summons came in after Boughanbour shared a post three times on his Facebook page calling on the Moroccan Social Front, which is a coalition movement of associations, political groups and unions, to join the protests planned in commemoration of the February 20 movement, which called for political reform. The following day, on 18 February, Boughanbour went to the police station in Skhirat-Temara, a city located around 30km from Rabat, where the police interrogated him for over three hours about his political career and his involvement in trade unions and human rights activism, as well as the Facebook posts. He has not been told whether his case is closed or what to expect next.

On 26 March, police from Casablanca travelled 432km south to Ouarzazate to arrest Mohamed Bouzlouf, a young man who had expressed solidarity with Saida Alami in a Facebook post on 24 March, his brother told Amnesty International. They took him in a civilian car to the Ouarzazate police station, where they interrogated him about his Facebook publications in support of Saida El Alami. According to the police statement, which Amnesty reviewed, the police charged him with “undermining established institutions”, “influencing justice” and “prejudicing legal decisions”, under articles 265 and 266 of the Penal Code. Police officers also searched his house on the same day. On 4 April, the court of Ouarzazate sentenced Mohamed Bouzlouf to two months in prison and a MAD2000 (around 206USD) fine. Mohamed appeared at his trial over a video call from his cell in Ouarzazate prison, where he is still being held. His family has not yet been allowed to visit him due to Covid-19 regulations.

Amnesty International calls on the Moroccan authorities to end the prosecutions of activists who have been critical of public figures, state officials or state institutions, and to ensure that people are free to express their opinions without fear of reprisals. All penalties for insult or defamation of public officials must be quashed.

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Qatar: Security guards subjected to forced labour

Security guards in Qatar are working in conditions which amount to forced labour, including on projects linked to the 2022 FIFA World Cup, Amnesty International has found. In a new report, They think that we’re machines, the organization documented the experiences of 34 current or former employees of eight private security companies in Qatar.    

The security guards, all migrant workers, described routinely working 12 hours a day, seven days a week – often for months or even years on end without a day off. Most said their employers refused to respect the weekly rest day which is required by Qatari law, and workers who took their day off anyway faced being punished with arbitrary wage deductions. One man described his first year in Qatar as “survival of the fittest”.   

In 2017 Qatar embarked on a promising agenda to tackle labour issues. It has introduced important legal reforms including a new minimum wage and improved access to justice, and repealed key aspects of the abusive kafala system. However, these reforms are not being effectively implemented. What’s more, many of the abuses Amnesty International documented are violations of Qatari laws and regulations predating the reforms.   

Many guards knew their employers were breaking the law but felt powerless to challenge them. Physically and emotionally exhausted, they kept reporting for duty under threat of financial penalties or even deportation

Stephen Cockburn, Head of Economic and Social Justice

“The abuses we uncovered can all be traced back to the massive power imbalance that still exists between employers and migrant workers in Qatar, indicating that there are still major gaps in the authorities’ enforcement of labour laws. Many of the security guards we spoke to knew their employers were breaking the law but felt powerless to challenge them. Physically and emotionally exhausted, workers kept reporting for duty under threat of financial penalties – or worse, contract termination or deportation,” said Stephen Cockburn, Amnesty International’s Head of Economic and Social Justice.   

“Despite the progress Qatar has made in recent years, our research suggests that abuses in the private security sector – which will be increasingly in demand during the World Cup – remain systematic and structural. Employers are still exploiting their workers in plain sight, and­ the Qatari authorities must take urgent measures to protect workers and hold abusers accountable.”   

Amnesty International is calling on Qatar to urgently investigate abuses in the private security sector, publish its findings, and offer redress for workers, including ensuring they get adequate rest and pay. Qatar should also publish a detailed action plan for effectively tackling forced labour practices in the sector.    

Abuses on World Cup-related sites     

Amnesty International conducted in-depth interviews with 34 current or former security guards, supervisors and safety officers between April 2021 and February 2022. This built on earlier research in 2017 and 2018 when the organization interviewed 25 guards from one security company. The consistency of their accounts across multiple companies indicates that the abuses they faced are systemic, rather than isolated incidents.     

The 34 workers interviewed for the latest report were employed by eight different private companies, which have provided services for sites including government ministries and football stadiums, as well as other infrastructure projects that will be essential for the 2022 World Cup, such as hotels, transport systems and sports facilities. At least three of the companies have provided security for FIFA tournaments, including the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup (postponed to 2021) and the 2021 FIFA Arab Cup.     

They would say ‘we don’t have enough security, so you have to work’. We didn’t have any option. If your supervisor says go to duty you have to go, or they cut your salary.  

Edson*

In 2020, FIFA and its partner in Qatar, the Supreme Committee for Delivery and Legacy, pledged to do more to improve the working and living conditions of people employed in the service and hospitality sectors in Qatar. Enhanced labour standards have been expanded to cover World Cup service workers, and the bodies have embarked on other initiatives, especially for hotel staff. But these promises have yet to fully materialize in the security sector, as Amnesty International’s report illustrates.   

“They think that we’re machines”     

Qatari law and regulations restrict working hours to a maximum of 60 hours per week, including overtime, and is clear that everyone is entitled to one full, paid rest day each week. This reflects international law and standards – rest is a fundamental human right.    

Imagine working a 12-hour shift then being driven to the training centre, then you do training for eight hours. All night… They think that we’re machines.  

Zeke*

Despite this, 29 of the 34 security guards told Amnesty International they had regularly worked 12 hours a day, and 28 said they were routinely denied their day off, meaning many worked 84 hours per week, for weeks on end.       

Milton*, from Kenya, worked for a security company at a hotel until 2021. He said that on a typical day he would leave his accommodation at 6.30 am and return at 8 pm, and that he often went months without a single day off. Abdul, from Bangladesh, worked as a security guard from 2018 to mid-2021, and said he did not have a day off for three years.   

Zeke, from Uganda, worked at the FIFA Club World Cup in February 2021. He told Amnesty International how he had to complete a week-long training session in preparation for the tournament. The eight-hour training took place immediately after his regular shift each day.    

“Imagine working a 12-hour shift then being driven to the training centre, then you do training for eight hours. All night. Then you report to work at 5am – you get four hours sleep and you train the whole week. They think that we’re machines,” Zeke said.    

No rest       

To take the rest day they were legally entitled to, security guards had to seek express permission from their employers. This was often refused and taking a rest day without permission could result in wage deductions, amounting to forced labour. The International Labour Organization (ILO) defines forced labour as work that is performed involuntarily or under the threat of penalty, including financial penalty.      

There is no way to challenge it. Yes, we know the rules, and what the labour law says, but how can you challenge this? You are not in a position to do so. 

Juma*

Edson, from Uganda, said of his employer:   

“They would say ‘we don’t have enough security, so you have to work’. We didn’t have any option. If your supervisor says go to duty you have to go, or they cut your salary.”    

Jacob, also from Uganda, used to work for a company guarding access roads and receiving deliveries at Khalifa International Stadium. He told Amnesty International that taking the mandatory rest day without permission could result in a penalty of up to 200 riyals (more than five days’ pay).   

They say Friday is an off day, but it is an off that you don’t have…You cannot complain – if you do you are terminated and deported.

Lawrence*

Many guards travelled to Qatar having paid hefty recruitment fees, only to find that the pay and working conditions were very different to what they had been promised. Workers often felt unable to complain for fear of the consequences, as Lawrence, from Kenya, explained:   

“They say at the job you have a lunch break of one hour, but we don’t have one and they don’t pay you. They say Friday is an off day, but it is an off that you don’t have…You cannot complain – if you do you are terminated and deported.”   

Amnesty International also found that four of the companies in the report are still not paying overtime at the rate required by law, meaning they are in some cases cheating guards out of hundreds of riyals – sometimes as much as eight days’ pay – each month.    

Penalties for illness, toilet breaks   

Qatari law requires that employees prove their illness from day one of their absence, with a note from a doctor approved by their employer. However, in a context where migrant workers can struggle to access healthcare, for example due to location or lack of available free time as described above, this rule is often unrealistic and allows abusive employers to further punish workers .   

Ben, from Uganda, told Amnesty International he worked 18 months straight without a rest day. One day in 2021 he was ill and stayed home. Ben said his supervisor told him there was not enough manpower for him to take the day off sick, and two days’ pay were docked from his wages – one for the absence, and one for not providing a sick note.    

Some guards reported being heavily financially penalised for ‘misdemeanours’ such as not wearing their uniform properly, or for leaving their post to use the toilet without someone to cover for them.

Juma described how powerless workers felt to object to such penalties:   

“There is no way to challenge it. Yes, we know the rules, and what the labour law says, but how can you challenge this? You are not in a position to do so.”  

Migrant workers in Qatar are prohibited from forming or joining trade unions, which exacerbates the power imbalance.   

Harsh working and living conditions   

Fifteen of the guards Amnesty International interviewed were routinely deployed outside in intense heat, including during summer months when outdoor working is supposed to be restricted, and in some cases with no shelter or drinking water. This is despite the well-documented risk that heat stress poses to workers’ lives.    

Since 2017, Qatar has implemented restrictions on outdoor working during the hottest months. In 2021 the summer working hours ban was extended and migrant workers were given the right to stop working if they believe the heat is threatening their health. But Amnesty International’s research shows that authorities must do more to enforce protections for outdoor workers, including those in the security sector.   

Emmanuel, who was deployed to a luxury hotel to patrol the swimming pool, car park and beach, said:

“When it is very hot, sometimes the Qatar laws say no one is allowed to work outside… but security [guards], where are we supposed to go?”    

Similarly, although the Qatari authorities have issued clear guidelines on living conditions, Amnesty International heard from eighteen of the security guards that their accommodation was overcrowded and unsanitary.    

Racism    

They say ‘you are an African, you can work 12 hours because you are strong’. 

Omar*

Amnesty International also documented discrimination on the basis of race, national origin and language. The security guards interviewed for the report, who are mostly from Uganda and Kenya, said that workers from sub-Saharan Africa are often deployed in the harshest conditions, for example those which require them to work in the heat for long periods. They also said they received lower wages than other guards, in particular Arabic-speaking workers, for doing the same jobs.  

Asher, from Kenya, was stationed at various sites in Qatar until 2021. He said:   

“They pay us by nationality. You may find a Kenyan is earning 1,300, but the same security from the Philippines gets 1,500. Tunisians, 1,700. Pay is according to nationality”.   

Omar said his bosses used racist stereotypes to justify harsh and discriminatory treatment of him and his colleagues:     

“They say ‘you are an African, you can work 12 hours because you are strong’.”    

Accounts of racial discrimination echo the findings of the UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, who visited Qatar in late 2019. While Qatar has no specific law prohibiting racial discrimination, such treatment is still in breach of Qatar’s constitution and international law. 

FIFA direct links to abusive employers   

FIFA and the Supreme Committee did not renew the contracts of two of the three companies that were providing security to World Cup sites and reported them to the Ministry of Labour after they found evidence themselves of some of the issues Amnesty International documented. However, neither body provided sufficient detail to assess whether this disengagement was carried out responsibly, transparently, and as a last resort. Amnesty International’s research also indicates that both FIFA and the Supreme Committee should have been aware of the potential for abuse much earlier.   

With the World Cup just months away, FIFA must do more to prevent abuses in the private security sector – or see the tournament further marred by abuse.

Stephen Cockburn

Neither FIFA nor the Supreme Committee conducted adequate due diligence before contracting the companies, and they compounded this failing by not identifying and addressing abuses in a timely manner. As a result, both bodies benefitted from these companies’ services while abuses were taking place, and have a responsibility to provide, or cooperate in providing, remedy for workers who experienced labour abuses while deployed at World Cup-related sites and events.   

“With the World Cup just months away, FIFA must focus on doing more to prevent abuses in the inherently perilous private security sector, or see the tournament further marred by abuse,” said Stephen Cockburn.    

“More broadly, FIFA must also use its leverage to pressure Qatar to better implement its reforms and enforce its laws. Time is fast running out – if better practices are not established now, abuses will continue long after fans have gone home.”      

Background    

Amnesty International has not named the eight companies in its report, due to the risk of high-profile clients terminating their involvement at short notice. This could lead to job losses and worsen the situation for migrant workers. Amnesty International has, however, provided details to Qatar’s Ministry of Labour, as well as to FIFA and the Supreme Committee for Delivery and Legacy where relevant, and urges them to investigate further.    

In response to Amnesty International’s allegations, Qatar’s Ministry of Labour acknowledged that “individual cases of wrongdoing need to be dealt with immediately”. However, it disputed that these signify “underlying issues with the robust system Qatar has introduced”, and stated that “[T]he prevalence of rule-breaking companies has and will continue to decline as enforcement measures take hold and voluntary compliance increases among employers.”   

The Supreme Committee said that irrespective of regulations or monitoring systems, some contractors will always try to “bypass the system.” It went on to confirm its commitment to address and rectify breaches. FIFA provided background information but did not respond to Amnesty’s allegations.  

*All workers’ names have been changed to protect them from reprisals. 

Full responses from Qatar government, FIFA and the Supreme Committee can be accessed below:

  1. Qatar government
  2. FIFA 
  3. Supreme Committee

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