Algeria: Authorities must quash outrageous 15-year sentence against unionist Ali Mammeri 

In response to the sentencing of unionist and human rights defender Ali Mammeri, head of the independent National Union of Civil Servants in the Field of Culture and Art (SNFC), to 15 years in prison by the first instance criminal court of the Oum El Bouaghi tribunal, Nadege Lahmar, Algeria Researcher, said: 

“Ali Mammeri’s case is illustrative of the Algerian authorities’ use of unfounded and overbroad terrorism charges to crush peaceful dissent and undermine the activities of unions and other independent groups. He was sentenced to 15 years in prison solely for the peaceful exercise of his rights to freedom of association and expression, based on his union work, public advocacy for human rights, and private communications with exiled activists — which included sharing information that the authorities considered ‘classified’ regarding reprisals and restrictive measures against unions.

“Instead of investigating allegations that policemen repeatedly beat Ali Mammeri and stripped him naked to force a confession of involvement in criminal action, judicial authorities relied on his ‘forced confession’ to convict him.

“This travesty of justice and disregard for the rule of law must end. We call on the Algerian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Ali Mammeri and quash his terribly unjust conviction and sentence. Authorities must conduct a prompt, thorough, independent, impartial, transparent and effective investigation into the allegations of torture and other ill-treatment of Ali Mammeri and bring to justice anyone suspected to be responsible.”

Background

On 29 October, following seven months in arbitrary pretrial detention, Ali Mammeri was convicted of several charges, including ‘glorifying terrorist acts’ and ‘disseminating classified information’. He has appealed the conviction. 

Amnesty International has learned from the Trade Union Confederation of Productive Forces (COSYFOP), to which the SNFC is affiliated, that Ali Mammeri’s conviction was based on his communications with activists and unionists to provide information regarding the authorities’ reprisals and restrictive measures against unions. This was later used in communications with the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) supervisory bodies.

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Ukrainian journalist Dmytro: “I never imagined that people would be kidnapped”

Ukrainian journalist Dmytro Khilyuk was arbitrarily arrested, detained and forcibly disappeared by Russian armed forces for three years, five months, and twenty-one days— in hunger, cold, and without cause.

Taken from his home region near Kyiv in March 2022, he disappeared into Russia’s prison system. His case illustrates the plight of Ukrainians being forcibly disappeared, facing torture and other ill-treatment, and the dangers civilians — in particular journalists — face under Russian occupation.

Throughout his ordeal, Amnesty International worked with Ukrainian colleagues to trace his path through contacts inside Russia. Dmytro says he survived by “holding on to the thought that it would end one day.”

On November 2, the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, Dmytro shares his story.

Before captivity, I’d often read in books that in prison the main thing is to remain human. Back then, those were just words to me; I didn’t understand what stood behind them. When I found myself imprisoned, I understood what humanity really meant.

In the hardest conditions, you must keep at least some humanity in yourself, not turn into an animal. Stay human. Even when you’re hungry, cold, and terrified.

We “celebrated” birthdays in captivity. The others would give the birthday person their pieces of bread, their breakfast, or their dinner — so that, for just one day, that someone wouldn’t be hungry.

The beginning of Russian occupation

On February 25, 2022, Russian tanks entered Kozarovychi, a village near Kyiv, where I live. I saw military columns moving down the street, one after another. That was the beginning of Russian occupation.

I never imagined there would be fighting in our village, that people would be kidnapped, taken hostage, looted.

On 1 March, they came to our house and forced my father and me into the street. They placed an armed soldier next to my mother. She’s over 70 and had suffered a stroke. Then they went through the rooms.

They “liberated” me of my watch and flashlight, and my parents of their phones. Neighbours later told me the Russians took food from their fridges, they even took children’s games. They took everything, from money and valuables to the cheapest little things.

A few days later, my father and I were detained near our house. We were led to a warehouse 500 meters away. They tied my hands, blindfolded me, and threw me into a room where there were already people. Some had their legs tied, one man’s fingers had been broken with a hammer. My father was taken to another room.

During the interrogation, I told the Russians I was a journalist. They started asking: What were you filming? What were you looking for? What were you doing here?

I answered: “I live here.”

My father was soon released, and I was taken further.  They transported me to Belarus, where we spent a day and a half. And then we were taken to Russia’s Bryansk region, to Pretrial Detention Facility №2 in Novozibkov town, not far from the border with Ukraine,where I spent more than a year.

“We had no outerwear, even for walks”

The hunger was terrible. I was constantly hungry. People went crazy from hunger. We talked about food from morning till night. You’d look at a bar of soap and think it was ice cream.

The cold was unbearable. We stood by the radiator all day. If we stepped half a meter away, we froze. When the radiators didn’t work, we walked in circles in the cell. I wore socks on my hands, and underwear around my neck instead of a scarf, because I had two pairs and didn’t have anything else. We had no outerwear, not even for walks.

We went outside in what we always wore indoors: synthetic prison trousers and jackets, and the cheapest rubber slippers. In the morning, they forced us to sing the Russian anthem.

The next place was Pakino in the Vladimir region. In Pakino, they would tell us to stand in a circle, then throw a mattress on top of us, and tell the biggest guy to climb up — we had to hold him up. I had scabies – most of us had scabies. Some had tuberculosis.

As far as I know, no one ever visited. Tatyana Moskalkova, Russia’s Commissioner for Human Rights, came to once but we didn’t see her. They staged a Potemkin village – a façade – for her in another building. They gathered some prisoners and, for one day, even opened a canteen for them to eat there.

Later, she sent a representative who brought humanitarian aid from Ukraine, but half of it was stolen. He also brought some clothes. We took underwear and socks, but it was a show for the camera, later they took it all away from us.

“We were forced to read a statement that we had no complaints”

There were many civilians in captivity. Most of them were grabbed on the street or at home in occupied cities. A person would walk down the street and disappear.

“You all say you’re civilians, but in reality, you are not,” the guards would tell us. There were no legal explanations, not even pseudo-legal ones. People in the military at least understood they’d been captured in battle, but the civilians like me had no idea why we were there or what our status was.

No charges were ever brought against me. I signed an interrogation protocol, where I was listed as a witness, and somehow it was about events in Donetsk and Luhansk in 2014. I’d never been to Luhansk at all. And I’d been to Donetsk only a few times for work before 2014. 

Civilian people held in Russia are, purely and simply, like hostages. There are no charges.

For all this time I lived with one thought, that it would end someday. I was exchanged on 24 August. Before the exchange, we were forced to read a statement saying that we had no complaints against the Russian Federation. We repeated that ridiculous nonsense on camera.

The recurring thought was: Finally, it’s over. The understanding that I’m home is still “coming to me” even now.

End war crimes against Ukrainians in Russian captivity

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Send a message to Russian authorities to demand an end to the appalling treatment of Ukrainians in Russian captivity. Ukrainian prisoners of war, civilian detainees and their families need your help.

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What happened to human rights for Palestinians?

By Agnès Callamard and Federico Borello

When the world emerged from the horrors of World War II and vowed “never again,” nations laid the foundation for the system of international justice that now exists to address the planet’s worst crimes. Today, the United States is actively trying to dismantle it.

The Trump administration on Sept. 4 imposed sanctions on three leading Palestinian human rights organizations: Al Haq, founded in 1979 and a pioneer in documenting violations in occupied Gaza and the West Bank; Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, which for more than two decades has meticulously chronicled laws of war violations in Gaza; and the Palestinian Center for Human Rights, which has long provided legal aid to victims, particularly from Gaza.

In June, the Trump administration imposed sanctions on another leading Palestinian rights group, Addameer, under a different set of measures.

This is part of a broader Trump administration effort aimed at those who support justice for Palestinians. The stated reason for the September sanctions was that the three groups had helped the International Criminal Court in its investigation of Israel “without Israel’s consent.” But the U.S. government has also gone after officials of the court, which has taken on an investigation that covers allegations of grave crimes by Israeli forces in Gaza; it has issued arrest warrants for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and former defense minister Yoav Gallant, accusing them of crimes against humanity and war crimes. The administration has placed sanctions on the I.C.C. prosecutor, deputy prosecutors and six of the court’s judges, as well as Francesca Albanese, the U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Gaza and the West Bank.

Beyond what has been done to the Palestinians, the Trump administration has undermined the rule of law, protection of human rights and international justice, which all lie at the heart of a rules-based global order. The administration has slashed funding to the United Nations and threatened more cuts while disengaging from the U.N. Human Rights Council. It abruptly terminated nearly all U.S. foreign aid, which had supported human rights defenders and provided lifesaving humanitarian assistance around the world. Cuts to grants by the State Department’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor and offices on refugees, women and global justice further downgraded America’s commitment to human rights.

Al Haq, Al Mezan and the Palestinian Center are award-winning organizations that in extraordinarily difficult circumstances have exposed violations of human rights and environmental law by Israeli and Palestinian authorities, armed groups and businesses. They are the voice of Palestinian victims, amplifying stories of injustice that would otherwise remain unheard.

The groups have continued their courageous work in Gaza over nearly two years. Al Mezan and the Palestinian Center are based in Gaza, and Al Haq, based in Ramallah in the West Bank, has staff there as well. They have faced bombardment that has resulted in the killings or wounding of staff members and hundreds of their relatives as well as starvation and forced displacement. On Sept. 7, Israeli bombings flattened the high-rise building that housed the Palestinian Center’s headquarters. The offices of Al Mezan across Gaza were damaged and destroyed in 2024.

Governments need to condemn efforts to undermine the I.C.C.’s independence and to silence those who are documenting abuses.

The U.S. sanctions will not only disrupt the critical work that they are still able to do but also send a chilling signal to human rights defenders whose work implicates powerful actors or their allies. The Palestinian groups have been vocal in their support of the I.C.C.’s investigation into Israeli conduct and have made submissions to the court’s prosecutor.

Our organizations, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have worked closely with these groups for decades and, consistent with our longstanding and independent mandates to speak out in protecting human rights, we can attest that their work is indispensable to the human rights community not only in the region but internationally.

This work is part of a broad global movement advancing justice for victims and survivors of the human rights abuses. A credible system of international justice that addresses genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity is an essential element of building respect for human rights.The International Criminal Court is a central pillar of this system. Created through a treaty in 1998, the court is a forum of last resort. Governments intended to deliver on the post-World War II promise of “never again” by establishing such a permanent institution. The system is not perfect, but its capacity to seek to hold accountable even those in the highest positions of power can help end cycles of abuses. This power of the law is now at risk.

Further sanctions or other actions by the United States, including extending sanctions to the court as a whole, would jeopardize the rights of victims across the globe. Governments should rise to the occasion to protect the system they created.

When Israel designated leading Palestinian human rights groups including Addameer and Al Haq as “terrorist organizations” in 2021, nine European Union member states rejected the allegations as unsubstantiated. That pushback was likely a major reason Israel did not go further.

So far, other governments have carefully balanced their reactions to the U.S. sanctions for fear of provoking the Trump administration. This is a flawed strategy and out of step with the urgency the situation demands.

Governments need to condemn efforts to undermine the I.C.C.’s independence and to silence those who are documenting abuses. They should use regional and national laws, like the European Union Blocking Statute, which can be employed to nullify external laws in the union, to mitigate the impact of U.S. sanctions on those working with the court. Those who helped establish the international court and claim to uphold the values underpinning it must step up to defend them.


Agnès Callamard is the secretary general of Amnesty International. Federico Borello is the acting executive director of Human Rights Watch.

This article was originally published by the New York Times.

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